Research Article: 2022 Vol: 21 Issue: 2S
Zulu P., University of KwaZulu–Natal
Yalezo B., University of KwaZulu–Natal
Mutambara E., University of KwaZulu–Natal
It is generally accepted that cadre deployment has not been effective and efficient in KwaZulu-Natal local government. This has been attributed to the fact that incompetent and unqualified political connected cadres have failed to deliver efficient and effective service to the communities they serve. This has led to the demoralization of the public service workforce within the province. This paper assesses the effectiveness of the cadre deployment practices in KwaZulu-Natal local government. A far-reaching literature review was undertaken to incorporate various sources that provided information on cadre deployment practice. The study was approached from a qualitative design using interviews to gather data from 14 participants who were purposively selected based on experience, knowledge and positions they occupy in the KwaZulu-Natal local government. Interviewees revealed that factionalism, political interference and infighting as well as deteriorating service delivery as the main challenges arising from the practice of cadre deployment. The study also confirmed that cadre deployment through nomination lists created dominant factionalism within the political parties in KwaZulu-Natal leading to alleged political assassinations of some high-profile leaders in the province. Several municipalities across the province have continuously failed to effectively plan, manage their projects skilfully and wisely due to scarcity of qualified experts in technical fields. The study proposes that the African National Congress led government should review its cadre deployment practice to combat the high level of disfunctionalities, instabilities, service delivery protests and factionalism in municipalities across the province. The meritocratic approach should be applied in order to recruit qualified and experienced individuals in the KwaZulu-Natal local government.
Cadre Deployment, Service Delivery, Local Government and Political Factionalism, KwaZulu-Natal
The Cadre Deployment Policy (CDP), a product of the National African Congress (ANC),the ruling political party in South Africa since the attainment of political independence in 1994 is a hotly contest issue (Masiya, 2019). Shava & Chamisa (2018) argue that the deteriorating service delivery facing South Africa today and beyond are deeply rooted in the ANC’s CDP which has led to the practice of deploying ANC loyal individuals to key local government positions Thus, the ANC uses the CDP to relocate its various positions to local government and to key government institutions for the purpose of promoting trust and service delivery (Kok, 2017). It is the ANC’s belief that effective service delivery depends on the appointment of honest ANC members who understand its policies and programs. Other political parties such as the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) are opposed to the CDP labelling it “the basis of cronyism and massive corruption leading to the demise of service delivery across the country” (Tshishonga, 2014). Further, the DA argues that the ANC had adopted and implemented the CDP in order to seize control of state machinery thereby increasing the challenges of poor service delivery faced by local government. On the other hand, the ANC’s position is that the practice of cadre deployment is the only tool it can use to remain relevant and powerful in local government and hence will continue to implement it as long as it remains in power despite the criticism (Kok, 2017).
The province of KwaZulu-Natal, the largest ANC political province in the country tows the line by implementing the CDP as it appoints cadres on key positions in both national and local government structures, a practice argued to be the root cause of poor service delivery across the province (Masiya et al., 2019). The purpose of this qualitative paper is therefore to analyze the effectiveness of the CDP in KwaZulu-Natal local government following the failure by the appointed ANC cadres to effectively discharge their duties. The paper begins by defining the terms cadre and deployment, local government as key terms underpinning the study and proceed to unpack the, background leading to the study, focus of the study, the problem statement, significance of the study, the aim, a brief literature review, research design and methodology, discussion of results and recommendations.
Definitions of Cadre Deployment and Cadre, Local Government
CDP is regarded as the appointment of members who are loyal to the party or parties’ aims and objectives. This methodology aimed at scaling back public reporting lines and conveys the institution under the control of the party, as against the state (Twala, 2014; Kok, 2017). This policy involves the creation of a standard hierarchy within the constitution in order that party members can respond first to the party and second to the general public while the party advises its interests before the general public (Kok, 2017). From an economic standpoint, the CDP is a corporation that's assigned to individuals, companies and organizations, on governmental policies and not on the merits but on the idea that they enjoy some political interaction with the ruling party (Kok, 2017). The aim of cadre deployment from ANC perspective was to help the party in addressing global political and economic changes. Consistent with the ANC, brave new times require brave new moments in government, business, civil society and international organizations. This subject was discussed during an ANC policy meeting in June 2017 (Tshishonga, 2014; Kok, 2017).
Cadre within the African National Congress situation, the cadre is regarded as a faithful member of the movement and who’s willing to serve the organization with dignity and honor. He/she is prepared to honor the principles and values of the organization. Cadres are prepared to be deployed by the organization to any position in society (Tshishonga, 2014; Kok, 2017). Since the African National Congress governs in alliance with COSATU and SACP. Cadres may come from these two alliance partners to serve in government (Tshishonga, 2014; Kok, 2017).
Deployment is perceived as the process in which cadres are brought into effective action. Political deployment or cadre deployment is regarded as the methodology that is used and facilitated by the ruling party in deploying its loyal members within different strategic positions of government institutions (Hoffman, 2013). People that get unique opportunities to be deployed, are mostly affiliated to the party or who have the closeness to certain members in the high echelon of the movement. Deployment has not been well received recently as a lot of government institutions have experienced challenges of poor performances and mismanagement of funds and some are even on the brink of collapsing (Tshishonga, 2014; Kok, 2017). Tshishonga (2014) explained political deployment or unit placement as “as the work of studying, promoting and selecting cadres to be deployed to the strategic positions within the organization, government and parastatals.”
According to article 152 of the Constitution of South Africa (1996), the government is considered as the engine for the provision of basic services. Local governments have a duty to supply services to communities in a justifiable manner, encouraging social and economic development and upholding a secured and healthy environment (Klaaren, 1997). It includes the political structure, governmental structures and processes that control and promote community activities. At the extent of government, there must be serious knowledge within the situation of the political and management environment. In South Africa, politicians and bureaucratic are often recruited with perfect and solid leadership skills on both provincial and national politics and management supported by skills that have been underutilized by the government.
Local governments in South Africa are mandated to serves the interests of the general public through fair service delivery. Both councillors and officials should be individuals that are able to serve and account for the general public for his or her activities within the office (Madumo, 2015). The organizational arm of government should be served free from political meddling because services in municipalities should be impartially disseminated and not provided only to individuals who have a biased interest. Within the last 27 years of democracy, the South African governments have experienced changes because the present government has been keen to deal with the injustices of the past. Despite great efforts that have been shown by the current regime, the uncertainty that poor living conditions and withdrawal have directly demoralized constitutional responsibilities towards the realization of basic human rights and self-respect (Madumo, 2015). The South African government legislation is essentially created on the inspiration of enhancing the desires of representation as provided for within the Bill of Rights (Latib, 2014). The democratic state commitment causes a variety of demands like the creation of an equal society, public accountability, transparency, good governance and also as effective delivery of socio-economic rights (Latib, 2014). Since 2004 South African government has witnessed several protests across the country which has been caused by the failure of the current regime to deliver public services that its people yearn for and are entitled to. In many municipalities in South Africa, there are several reports of mismanagement and poor governance. Based on the South African situation, in terms of the South African government, Municipal Structures Act 117 of 1998 enshrined within the constitution of South Africa. South Africa has eight metropolitan cities, 44 district municipalities and 226 local municipalities (Ndevu & Muller, 2017). Of these sorts of municipalities, a central responsibility is to make sure clean water, sanitation, markets, waste disposal and land management are observed (Nkomo, 2017).
CDP is considered a global phenomenon where state events are distributed by the ruling party or parties to individuals related to the ruling party or parties; however, in African countries, this phenomenon has led to the poor institutional quality or government performance (Mamogale, 2017). During the first 1980s and 1990s, South Africa and other African countries like Malawi and Zimbabwe adopted the practice of a Westminster driving tradition whereas countries like Senegal, Cape Verde and Namibia adopted a mixture of the two government systems. These political movements played a crucial role in achieving independencies for their respective countries (Mamogale, 2017).
After achieving independences, these countries have faced several challenges and problems that have ranged from a poor institutional quality, poor economic performance, unconstitutional change of state, political violence, etc. Poor quality or performance of the state has heavily blamed on political patronage. Indeed, party structures can undoubtedly limit or enhance the powers and functions of state institutions (Abdelfattah, 2017). Based on the studies conducted in the past, it's not shocking that several studies on political patronage have mostly focused on African developing countries (Mamogale, 2017). This has led to political patronage related to various names, like political appointment system or cadre deployment within the South African context, which is seen as a corrupt and democratic pathology associated with the failure of the management systems. Therefore, political patronage or cadre deployment is assumed or conceptualized as an exchange relationship during which a multiplicity of products and services are traded between the principal and therefore the agent (Rasak, 2017).
Of course, this range of products and services isn't operated within the confines of the law and principles. It simply means that these goods and services are traded between the principal, and therefore, the agent doesn't follow legal regulations. In other words, political patronage or merely cadre deployment isn't a legislative policy of the government, and thus often results in non-compliance with recruitment or rather human resource management laws and regulations. Several scholars accept as true with the conceptualization of this idea (Mamogale, 2016). The practice of cadre deployment by several political parties mostly by the African National Congress, which is the ruling party in South Africa, there has been several municipalities across the country collapsing (Shava & Chamisa, 2018). Several repair deliveries challenges have resulted from cadre deployment policies that negatively affect the performance of municipalities (Shava & Chamisa, 2018). Within the past decades, we've seen government state-owned companies in South Africa are in the state of disarray on account of the embedded practice of cadre deployment, as observed during a report released by the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (Holtzhausen & Naidoo, 2011). This report revealed various challenging situations that affect the governance and management of government (Ramutsheli, 2015). Cadre deployment has contributed to the shortage of transparency and accountability, financial mismanagement, corruption, fraud, and usually poor performance. These challenges have led to service delivery backlogs within the provision of water, housing, and sanitation. These have been caused by the limited skills available to render basic goods and service delivery protests, poor governance and related conflicts (Ramutsheli, 2015).
Despite the criticism of the policy, the ANC has always defended the utilization of the policy within the government and other state institutions. In September 2011, former Secretary-General of the ANC, Gwede Mantashe, insisted that there was nothing wrong with the highly criticized system of cadre deployment which gave black people operational exposure thereby creating a sound base of skilled people (Twala, 2014). He stated that it had been a corrective action aimed toward helping black people to require responsibility fully (Twala, 2014).
KwaZulu-Natal government is not any exception to this. The CDP through nomination lists had created dominant factionalism within the African National Congress which has led to allege political assignations of some high-profile leaders of the movement. This strategy affected the government functions which successively contributed many protests within the province. The ANC led municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal such as Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma Municipality and Msunduzi Municipality, are in constant shambles (Du Plessis, 2017). Others are under an administration like Mooi-Mpofana, Inkosi Langalibalele & Edumbe. The IFP has also blamed the so-called ANC patronage in municipalities because it persistently threatens the steadiness and prosperity of the state (Du Plessis, 2017).
Despite continual blame of the cadre deployment which is claimed to be a contributing factor to the poor performance of many departments and municipalities in the province; there are continuous reports by the Auditor-General where it points out to the demise in skills as an influential factor (Makwetu, 2016). But the ANC is continuously defending its policy of cadre deployment in key departmental and municipal positions indicating it cannot deploy people that are unfriendly to their programs (Shava & Chamisa, 2018). “The ANC won't consider doing away with this policy of cadre deployment since this policy is aligned with administration and political leadership (Twala, 2014)”. These were the views expressed by the then General Secretary of the ANC Gwede Mantashe, speaking in Johannesburg following the ANC’s national executive committee (NEC) lekgotla in Pretoria (Shava & Chamisa, 2018). However, it's true that not all cadres deployed in senior positions of government institutions abuse government resources, as some are ready to perform at a suitable level. But it's been debated that in most cases several of them are deployed to push this ideology of cadre deployment to the hilt and rally behind those people that selected them to national, provincial or local level positions (Twala, 2014).
Based on ANC policy, it's worth mentioning that some historians and party-political experts have equally opposed this policy because it totally damages the responsibility structures within the public service (Twala, 2014). Since the ANC came into power, there have been arguments maintaining that the implementation of the CDP by the ANC is an effort to unify and concentrate an independent power within the ruling party (Kok, 2017).
KwaZulu-Natal province has the second largest economy within the nation. It contributes 16% towards the national GDP (Nxumalo, 2016). The province provides a competitive edge on production that includes the capital, transportation, storage, and telecommunications, finance and business services (Barnes, 1998). It is established within the fields of agriculture, forestry, and fisheries, producing more agricultural resources, also as tourism and residential sectors (Barnes 1998). This province has also important sectors that include automotive, parts manufacturing, printing, food, and beverage production, electrical equipment, metal, and metal, wood furniture, textiles, and clothing KwaZulu-Natal's appearance as a middle of commercial development in Sub-Saharan Africa. The economic activity focuses on areas within the metropolitan areas of Durban, Pietermaritzburg and Richards Bay. Two primary African ports are located in KwaZulu-Natal, and therefore, the Dube Trade Port home to the King Shaka International Airport provided a superb opportunity to compete and make sure the province's importance for the economic process, and to successfully reorganize the country to extend its global market share (Barnes, 1998).
CDP has been viewed by many political parties as cancer that has adversely affected the municipality's ability to create and implement sound, and effective public policies to enhance service delivery (Yawa, 2016). The cadres are deployed with no knowledge of how administrative matters and political activities works; as a result, they create confusion for a municipal council that deals with municipal power to deliver (Yawa, 2016). Professionals have created a backlash from several operations. Skills shortages and lack of work-related information that has made it very difficult to implement policy-making policies (Yawa, 2016). Administrators are over-burdened with work since they need to cover the mess created by the deployed cadres; this is often a growing challenge affecting many municipalities, the ANC transfer policy should be dismantled in municipalities and bureaucratic should be appointed for educational purposes, and not for political influences (Yawa, 2016).
In local government, inappropriate political interference in administrative matters has contributed to strained relations between key political and administrative officials within the municipalities, which have appeared to be the order of the day (Pretorius, 2017). Usually, the shortage of the separation of powers between legislative and executive authority at the government level is blamed for this (Pretorius, 2017). Factionalism, political killings and political infighting within the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal has been one of the challenges facing municipalities (De Haas, 2016). Based on auditor general reports from 2016-2019 indicated that political infightings and political interferences are the challenges that hampering service delivery in most municipalities since 2008 (Makwetu, 2016).
During the year 2015 – 2016 build-up to the government elections in KwaZulu-Natal, there was considerable intra-political infighting in several municipalities across the province (De Haas, 2016). This had a considerable negative impact because it affected service delivery and eventually led to the poor performance of some municipalities (De Haas, 2016). Several municipalities experienced a financial crisis leading to the shortage of service delivery which is caused many protests and hampered economic activities. Maladministration of funds and inside political infightings impacted negatively on service delivery, which resulted in the poor performance of municipalities (De Haas, 2016).
Precedence of internal disagreements between political members creates severe backlogs in service delivery because much time is spent trying to resolve squabbles which could eventually cause delays in service provision (Dlamini, 2017). These municipalities faced challenges of high vacancy rates, non-compliance with rules and regulations, inappropriate spending of budgets, and a scarcity of skilled personnel for critical posts. Auditor-General Report (2016) Kimi Makwetu had nine municipalities placed under-administration due to the unacceptable level of dysfunction in KwaZulu-Natal (Makwetu, 2016).
Significance of the Paper
Local government has experienced a significant amount of challenges that have ranged from service delivery protests, political assassination of leaders, factionalism and political infighting in KwaZulu-Natal. These challenges have caused a state of disfunctionality and unsuitability in several municipalities in the province. In some municipalities, there have been clashes and political interferences between administrative and political leadership. This has resulted in several suspensions and firings of mayors, accountants and director generals in several municipalities in the province. This then necessitates peace and stability between the people entrusted with the responsibility of managing these institutions of government. Since local government is regarded as the core foundation for delivering basic needs and very close to the people. This circle of government is required to improve and keep up the personal satisfaction of inhabitants in South Africa. The findings of this paper would be of benefit to the residents and citizens at large, as improved administrative and political leadership could bring more efficiency and effectiveness on local government in terms of service delivery and quality of life for KwaZulu-Natal.
The Aim of The Paper
The aim of the paper is to assess the effectiveness of the CDP in KwaZulu-Natal local government using qualitative means in which interviews and secondary will be analyzed with the view improve service delivery with the province and the country and large.
The History of Cadre Deployment in South Africa
Historically, cadre deployment was firstly introduced and acknowledged during the 1985 National Consultative Conference of the ANC (Kok, 2017). This strategic policy was started by the ANC to gain dominance and popularity for the document written by the former ANC fundi, Joel Netshitenzhe, and this document was published in an ANC booklet called Umrabulo in 1996 (Kok, 2017).
The document proposed centralizing and systematizing the deployment of ANC cadres to all centers of power including the economy, education, sports, arts and the media, with the aim to secure ANC control and hegemony. The document urged the ANC to set up a database of cadres and their skills so that their deployment could be more organized (Twala, 2014; Kok, 2017). In the ANC’s viewpoint, its cadres should act as custodians of the principles of fundamental social change, thereby winning respect among their peers and society at large through their exemplary conduct (Twala, 2014; Kok, 2017).
This policy was implemented to establish a hegemonic form of control of the state which was startlingly at odds with the notion of multi-party democracy under the rule of law. Further, the aim of the cadre deployment is to ensure the all-in-one translation of ANC policy and its election manifesto into government programs. In most cases, the ANC is best served by one of its own at the executive levels of the bureaucracy to ensure that its promises to the electorate are implemented and interpreted by those who best understand them (Kok, 2017). Similarly, in South Africa, it could be disingenuous to suggest that a Democratic Alliance (DA) led the provincial government of the Western Cape could be led by a Director-General who is an ANC cadre. The above justifies the importance of having this policy, provided it is not manipulated for some selfish reasons by individuals (Tshishonga, 2014). The guidelines to be followed when working with cadres include the enrolment of cadres, schooling and preparing of cadres, deployment of cadres, advancement of cadres and retention (Kok, 2017).
The ANC underwent a few campaigns to recruit new members mostly in rural areas. This was aimed at making rural-based people have a voice and representation in the leadership and running of the party. They focused mostly on the recruitment of women and other ethnic groups within the ANC structures including Umkhonto Wesizwe (Kok, 2017). This documented also emphasis the issue of making sure that their policies and programs speak about employment. Those recruited were fully had to understand and admit that they are in the war not on business. This document also explained that ANC must also recruit members in organizations of enemies. In order to understand and increase the number of memberships, all members of the ANC were to be registered in all spheres of South Africa. In 1985, the decision was taken that all cadres should be trained or given skills development in preparation for government projects (Kok, 2017).
Advancement and Responsibility
One of the focus was the ANC principal or leadership must make ensure that they deploy people with great integration into government positions in order to silent oppositions through deploying cadres with the right and relevant skills will make work simpler and there should be consistent recruitment of cadres in the movement.
Old cadres of the movement should always be a part of organizational life. They can also play an important in grooming those who are still young in the movement and that cadres who failed to perform their given tasks should not be reprimanded on the spot. As it was deemed to negatively impact on their morale level and to ensure that the organization must always make sure that its cadres are always protected (Kok, 2017). It was also emphasized that here should be a consistent linkage between the African National Congress, SACP and COSATU and always keep the presence of resistance movement such as youth, scholars, workers, and women in the movement (Kok, 2017).
Political Deployment Strengths
Political deployment strategy is mostly used by developing countries in the world, particularly social-political parties (Tshishonga, 2014). The core rationale for this approach is based on loyalty and relationship (Twala, 2014; Kok, 2017). The theoretical framework of this phenomenon is often politically influenced and reflected in the notion of clientelism (Twala, 2014). As pointed out by Siddle & Koelble (2012), clients perform a subsidiary function in which legal consumers financially support selected goods to elected people in order to get votes and support that is based on politics (Tshishonga, 2014).
Weaknesses of Cadre Deployment
One of the challenges of cadre deployment is that it doesn’t seat only with the party. It also involves people who are outside the organization, for instance, the ANC governs in alliance with partners such as Congress of South African Trade Unions and South Africa Communist Party (Tshishonga, 2014). This is also practiced in some government institutions such as state-owned companies, chapters 7 and 9 institutions (Tshishonga, 2014). Deploying people into government positions has been analyzed as an illegal thing as it is total against human resources practices that deals and focuses with recruiting people who are qualified and experts in their fields of work (Tshishonga, 2014). Cadre deployment utilization in the local government has caused huge steer. The officials are failing to deal with the severity of the policy. Cadres that are being deployed to the local government they normal don’t have qualifications and credentials to hold or manage high positions (Tshishonga, 2014)
Poor service delivery, service delivery protests and poor performances of municipalities across the country have been associated with the political deployment of the ANC (Tshishonga, 2014). This has caused a huge headache for South African Public Services on how to best manage this ANC policy (Ramutsheli & Rensburg, 2015). This policy has instilled the culture of deploying people who are unfit and improper to lead and manage big government institutions. There have been a several people who are incompetent and unqualified, but they lead huge government institutions due to political connection (Ramutsheli & Rensburg, 2015).
Threats of Cadre Deployment
It is obvious from both local and national papers, just as resistance groups, that the act of cadre deployment compromises service delivery of as well as further gives influence for widespread corruption (Tshishonga, 2014). On the one hand, the implementation of weak cadre deployment has devastating effects as it entrusts positions of power to cadres who are not professionally competent to execute what their positions demand of them. Tshishonga (2014) contends that such cadre are regularly frail in human relations, and their coordination limits of different divisions and offices are faulty, which is irritated by non-arrangement of the budgetary assets to the expressed more extensive vital objectives and needs.
The organization of units on a gathering dedication card, then again, could settle in the way of life of the qualification and benefit among a couple of (Tshishonga, 2014). This pattern has been evident among the ANC assigned applicants' rundowns at national and commonplace levels, just as in local government races wherein individuals were vocal in grumbling about readiness for reason. In the neighborhood government races, there have been individuals lodging disappointment through fights inside the positions of the ANC itself. Try to place an undeveloped and incompetent person in a specialist's consulting room or in an administrative situation in the Department of Education and see how disarray arises. This is exactly what has essentially occurred in all administrative divisions as a result of the procedure for deployment of the ANC's framework register (Tshishonga, 2014). The former ANC secretary-general, Gwede Mantashe, further said that without the bastion of the deployment of the cadre, the ANC would disintegrate and that the approach is essential to the ANC's endurance, but for now, it is a downfall in the long run.
KwaZulu-Natal and Cadre Deployment
Political infighting and clashes among politicians have been huge problems that have eventually affected the provision of service delivery in some municipalities (De Haas, 2016). Municipal debates and meetings have been conducted on factionalism and council committees also function along the factional lines (De Haas, 2016). Service delivery provision has hugely been impacted by these political infightings. What is so sad about this policy, there have been people in different spheres of government who have been fired or suspended due to political factions in the province (Dlamini, 2017).
Cadre Deployment Challenges in KwaZulu-Natal
After 27 years of freedom, political violence still undermines South African law enforcement. KwaZulu-Natal still accounts for the huge amount of political violence in the country and especially before and after the elections period, which has been largely dominated by political killings. During the 2016 local government elections in the province, there were number political assassinations that were reported. Even during 2019 national and provincial, there were also several politically motivated killings that occurred. The challenges encountered by the province after 25 years of democracy include factional battles, Intra political infighting, service delivery protests fighting for resources.
The province has been prone to factionalism among political parties, which have spilt over to local government functions. A huge per cent of people occupying positions in government have received those based on factionalism (De Haas, 2016). This has really affected the delivery of services in the province. There have been several projects that have been abandon or stopped due to political interference and political killings in the province (De Haas, 2016). Deployment of cadres from the ANC which is governing party in the province has been based on factions. This has become a serious issue that had undermined the issue of capacity because mostly, the people that are deployed in government positions are driven by factionalism and they normally don’t perform but spend much time fighting against their enemies (De Haas, 2016)
Between May 1994 and the end of 1998, approximately 4,000 people died in political violence in KZN. Unfortunately, this did not end; people are killed almost daily, before and during election rallies, and more likely to be killed as elections draw closer (De Haas, 2016). KwaZulu-Natal COSATU Leader, Mr Edwin Mkhize, did allude that there is a link between the killing of politicians in the province and ANC congresses (Du Toit & Manganyi, 2016). He concluded that the growing problem of political killings in KwaZulu-Natal could be blamed for corruption, mismanagement and the constant factionalism in the movement (Du Toit & Manganyi, 2016). To confirm what has been said by Mkhize, on 10 March 2018 the ANC's regional coordinator, Nqobizwe Mkhize was killed in his Durban home at the weekend for registration (De Haas, 2016). He and his wife were in bed when he was killed; He had been told to cover his face before he was shot. A few months earlier, a former branch of the ANC, Mr Lungisani Mnguni, was due to attend the national congress in December 2017. But in November he was shot and killed in a broad daylight while delivering school meal program items (De Haas, 2016).
Competition for political power, as well as solidarity among members of the same political party, has led to those who want to hold on to power, and those who desperately want to hold their hands, and turning to hire or killing to end their race. This horror shows that there is no sign of stopping. At an ANC meeting in April 2018, Howick, bodyguards assigned to the ANC leaders pulled their guns and were ready to shoot as the meeting clashed (De Haas, 2016).
The Fight for Resources
There is a connection between killings that are directly linked to political rivalry and killings that result from a fight over resources; and in some cases, they are the same thing (De Haas, 2016). For instance, there are many taxi owners in the province who sometimes fight for routes, transport tenders, and other tax-related issues. These owners often hire hitmen to deal with their opponents, and some of those taxi owners are politically involved (De Haas, 2016).
De Haas (2016) contends that the core of the matter is that there is a culture of impunity. For instance, the most powerful taxi owner in the province is “politically extremely well connected,” and there is a lack of political will to deal with transgressions by him and his people. Often the taxi owners employ well-trained gunmen, whom they second to work as bodyguards for politicians, and unfortunately, there is no effective control over these bodyguards (Du Toit & Manganyi, 2016).
For the past decades, corruption has been a major cause of political killings in KwaZulu-Natal. People who have often fingered as corrupt have executed those who threaten to expose corruption (Dlamini, 2017). Sindiso Magaqa, who was ANC Youth League, was assassinated after being outspokenly unhappy about alleged corruption and unauthorized spending in the uMzimkhulu Municipality. Mr. Magaqa’s friend, Thabiso Zulu, an ANC Youth League leader who testified before the Moerane Commission of Enquiry in October 2017, also feared for his life as he exposed corruption (Dlamini, 2017).
Competition for political power, and factionalism among members of the same political party, has led to those who want to cling onto power and those who desperately want to get their hands on it, to resort to hiring hitmen or assassins to eliminate their competition (Dlamini, 2017).
Political Actions in KwaZulu-Natal as Function of Cadre Deployment
Since the aftermath of the 2007 Polokwane conference, factionalism has been cancer dividing the ANC in government (De Haas, 2016). This has served as a prove that cadre deployment is not effective within the organization. There are countless cases where leaders of the movement have been killing after assuming positions of leadership in the movement and most important in the government sphere. As members of the ANC were preparing for the 2007 ANC conference there were several tensions and intimidations that were reported in different branches of the African National Congress (De Haas, 2016).
In building up to the conference to elects members of the executive committee, mostly the president, nominations list of the ANC members in the province were reported to be interrupted in a bid to remove those who were not supporting the former president, Jacob Zuma. The appointment of Zuma to be the president of the country and the ANC did gather some momentum for ANC in the province, mostly in local government and there were fights that were in connection with national structures of the movement and local government (De Haas, 2016).
In 2011 the fights and complaints of interrupted party lists were also experienced. This increased the level of fear and threats within the members of the ANC in the province. In 2011 and thereafter there were protests that affecting the operations of local government. These protests continued even after elections that were held in 2011(De Haas 2016). Thus, this resulted in the formation of the commission of investigating that was led by the former African Union Chairperson, Dr Dlamini Zuma. This investigating commission did discover that eleven councillors were in fact fraudulently elected. Former eThekwini Mayor, Zandile Gumede was one of them who led the Durban factionalism group (De Haas, 2016).
After the 2014 government elections in KwaZulu-Natal, there were minor reshuffling of ANC deployees in government and the ANC itself. Premier Zweli Mkhize vacated his position as the premier and chairperson in KwaZulu-Natal and he was deployed to ANC National office. His position both as the premier and chairperson was bestowed to the current Public Service Administration Minister, Senzo Mchunu before he moved to the national office of the ANC in 2018 (De Haas, 2016).
After these changes occurred it’s brought about factionalism within the ANC in the province. Within the party, there were factional groups between Senzo Mchunu and Willies Mchunu (Du Toit & Manganyi, 2016). Apparently, they both had the backing of different presidents in the ANC national structures, some were supporting former ANC President, Jacob Zuma and the other had backed the current president, Cyril Ramaphosa. Between 2014-2015 conflicts erupted between the two groups. These battles spilt over to the province, mostly in places such as Musa Dladla region in Richards Bay and Harry Gwala region in Msunduzi. The death of Mayor of Mhlathuze, Thulani Mashaba created some division at the party. Mashaba was fingered in the killing of Mayor Elephas Mbatha (De Haas, 2016).
In 2015 Senzo Mchunu was recalled as the chairperson of the ANC in the province and his position was taken Willies Mchunu. Then willies Mchunu was appointed as the premier in the province. After James Nxumalo lost his position of chairmanship in an eThekwini there were number fraud and manipulation of resources claims which led to Zandile Gumede faction taking over the municipality (De Haas, 2016). In Pietermaritzburg, the Harry Gwala region there were leadership squabbles between African National Congress members. Former ANC Youth Leader in this region Thabiso Zulu claimed that the 2008 ANC conference in this region was tampered with by a certain faction. Zulu further revealed that this faction benefited unlawfully in the number of municipality monies working with different corrupted people (Dlamini, 2017). Notwithstanding certification confirming this and audit reports that supposedly showed millions of that were used in unauthorized spending but there were no actions taken against allegedly implicated people (Dlamini, 2017).
A research paradigm naturally reflects the scientist's beliefs about the world that s/he lives in and needs to live in (Patel, 2015). It establishes the theoretical convictions and rules that shape how a scientist sees the world, and how s/he deciphers and acts inside that world (Patel 2015). A logical research paradigm helps to demonstrate the concept of scientific philosophy. Writing in rational tests ensures that the professional must stay away from models or theories that give scientists the philosophy, hypocrisy, and resources (Kivunja & Kuyini, 2017).
Researchers must have the option to comprehend and explain convictions about the idea of the real world, what can be thought about it and how we approach accomplishing this information (Adil Abdul & Khalid Alharthi, 2016). The study design provides a road map for the study (Creswell & Poth, 2016). It outlines all steps to be followed and includes the topic of research and problem, research strategies and frameworks, data collection and analysis, study limitations, validity and reliability (Creswell & Poth, 2016)
Since the problem investigated is more of a social science nature, qualitative methodology was the most appropriate for the study. This methodology is exploratory in nature as opposed to quantitative one which uses numerical facts as the principal approach to gathering information (Ma, 2015). Using this methodology, the researcher used review techniques to collect available information and ask questions from the participants in a structural approach (Ma, 2015).
Population and Sample Size
The population of the study comprised of individuals who occupied positions of authority in different government institutions, universities, political parties and union formations. The population of the study was selected purposively with the intention of getting informed members of the population. The selected population had an essential background of political-related issues and how local government functions. Purposeful sampling was applied. This type of sampling is widely used in qualitative research to identify and select hazards that are information-rich for the most efficient use of limited resources (Patton, 2002). It involves identifying and selecting individuals or groups of individuals who are particularly knowledgeable about or experienced with a phenomenon of interest (Etikan & Musa, 2016). The sample was of 20 participants, but only 14 were successfully interviewed. This was due to the fact that some participants were reshuffled to their original departments or portfolios that they were serving before changes occurred. Some decided to unreasonably withdraw from participating in the research.
The main methods used in this paper to collect qualitative data were interviews,
newspapers, government reports and the review of scholarly literature. Semi-structured and in-depth interviews were personally conducted. They were considered appropriate as such interviews offer flexibility in adapting the questions as the researcher proceeded with the interviews (Hunter, 2015). The interviewees included KwaZulu-Natal Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Deputy director, KwaZulu-Natal South African Local Government Association Chief executive Officer, five political analysts from UKZN, MU, UJ and Western Cape. There were also four political parties which were IFP, DA, EFF, NFP, two SABC News journalists and one unionist, KwaZulu-Natal COSATU General Secretary.
A series of interviews were conducted and they varied in a structured interview style to an open discussion style. The structured interviews were essentially two-way discussions between researchers and participants and focused primarily on the thoughts, beliefs, views, information, and opinions of the participants in the workplace. The researcher asked the same questions for all participants, but the order of the questions, the exact words, and the follow-up questions varied greatly. Interviews were led by a list of questions, which were followed logically. The researchers assured the participants of confidentiality and assured that no reference will be given to their identity in the thesis or elsewhere. A set of interviewing tools is designed to relate to the data sources used to achieve the desired results of the problems under investigation. The tools are also designed with analysis of groups of people chosen to respond to interviews. The researcher took notes of the interviewers' answers.
Arrangement and Nature of Cadre Deployment
Most participants agreed that all spheres of government and other government institutions do apply cadre deployment strategy. This process is perceived as a normal procedure that is followed by all parties in government, national and international where political parties send their deployees they trust to the government with the intention to advance their ideologies.’’ In my understanding a political party that wins elections where it provincial or national it will deploy its own people to run that particular municipality metro or whatever structure is there that what they will do, they will take from their own political party and deploy its own people to those municipalities to work where they won elections’’. Studies by Hungwe (2017); Twala (2014) concurs with this finding when they said, political deployment is an approach used by a number of political formations across the world to enrolment and deployment their loyal and trusted members to take up posts in government and other public institutions (Twala, 2014; Hungwe, 2017). The Constitution of the republic does not prevent selections done on policy considerations in public institutions (Klaaren, 1997). The constitution allows the appointment of people in government institutions on policy deliberation but must be organized through national enactment (Twala, 2014; Hungwe, 2017).
Participants expressed their displeasure with CDP and viewed it as counterproductive element in local government and other public institutions.’’ There are numerous difficulties, one, and the issue of inability to render administrations to networks; it bargains the authorities of the organization. Difficulties of fights in which you find that they are sporadic in nature in such a case that you don't give water, individuals will rebel against the legislature. There would be difficulties of revolting, those difficulties will go to the neighborhood government and in the end, there may be difficulties where individuals would need to evacuate that organization in control and supplant it with the various organization’’.
This finding concur with the studies done by Alexander (2018) when they said service delivery has been a huge challenge for local government and other public institutions in the country. Local government has been faced with a few challenges that incorporate concerns such as the supply of basic services like electricity clean water, public health, and housing and more especially in rural areas. In 2018 South Africa recorded 101 service delivery protests which greatly increased to 94 per cent in the second quarter of the years alone (Alexander, 2018).
The study finding revealed that the level of corruption committed by officials who work for government and politicians has increased in such a way that they are officials and politicians who have been killed in the process (De Haas, 2016). This has resulted in disfunctionality and instability to a few municipalities in the province. Out of 54 municipalities nine of them have placed under administration by the province (De Haas, 2016).
“It has had very serious implications; we had a lot of municipalities that are collapsing all over the country. In the 2019 auditor general report, of the 257 municipalities that we have only 18 got the clear audit, and the reason why municipalities failed to get clear audit is that they led by people who don’t have the experience, people who are put in those positions because they assisted somebody. Some people are put in those positions because they are well known in their parties”.
The findings aligned with study by Khambule (2018) when they argue that since the ruling party came into government after the 1994 elections public institution's performance has been declining. The author said this has been attributed by awarding of jobs on policy considerations. When deployees of the party take up positions in government without any proper qualifications and experience being required (Khambule, 2018). Khambule had viewed cadre deployment as the challenge for local government to achieve its effectiveness in local government. Isaac had viewed cadre deployment as the challenge for local government to achieve its effectiveness (Khambule, 2018). Shava & Chamisa (2018) also concur with the study finding when the authors said that it has become a normality that high government positions are only bestowed to people that are politically connected notwithstanding these people having no relevant experience to their position and to manage their position with effectiveness and efficiency (Shava & Chamisa, 2018).
Lee (2016) approves that some people within the ANC have utilized cadre deployment to enrich themselves and as the route for upward mobility. The utilization of this strategy has not been missed by government officials and their corrupt friends. They have used this policy to benefit themselves not people who voted for them. The criticism of cadre deployment is rectified when no academic credentials and experience are needed when the cadres are being deployed to the local government. This tendency has resulted in the poor performance of the government departments and corruption being reported to these departments (Lee, 2016).
The findings of the study showed that there are a huge number of people who got deployed to government institutions especially the finance department without finance management certificate and experience but there are financial directors or managers in these institutions. Usually, these people know nothing about the Public Finance Management Act (PMFA). One participant uncovered that as of late there was a municipal officer who took a committee vehicle to watch a soccer match in Johannesburg and the vehicle was taken. The vehicle was taken without consent, presently one can comprehend that that individual isn't an administrator on a fundamental level. ‘’The issue of cadre deployment is the problem across the spectrum in KwaZulu Natal local government. You can go to the local government, the deployment of senior stuff especially, the city managers, directors are an issue. You can go to other government departments, whether you go to education or you go to health, justice or any department there is an element of political activists who are being deployed not on the basis of qualification and expertise but on the basis of being political activists in their respective political parties’’. Ntshonga (2014) stated that there several people who have been deployed to management positions in government without following proper procedures of employment. The Author says these people don’t have the proper qualifications to hold these positions they occupy; they are only there based on cadre deployment. This method of bypassing human resources management in government institutions has caused a huge negative impact on these institutions. Some are collapsing due to the high level of corruption and maladministration in local government (Tshishonga, 2014).
Study findings revealed that the culture of sending cadres to government positions by political parties mostly the African National Congress has resulted in several cabinets reshuffling always after the conference due to factionalism that is engulfing the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal. One participant remembered the stiffness that occurred among the Mchunu’s brother Senzo and Willies Mchunu. When Senzo Mchunu lost the position of the chairperson in KwaZulu-Natal, Willies Mchunu became the premier of the province a few months later. When those changes happened it even affected the staff members. It always happens when a new leader comes to the office, he or she will bring his or her people to hold high positions in government.
“In KwaZulu Natal, we have noted that since the ANC is dominating the local government, what we have seen is that the people who get deployed are those who belong to a faction. So, I will give you a practical example, when Senzo Mchunu, you will recall he was at one point a chairperson of the ANC and he also the premier of the province. Then there was a conference held in Newcastle where he lost the position of chairperson and then after that, he was recalled. After Mchunu was recalled a lot of people who have been deployed when he was the premier lost their positions. You witnessed those people who belong to the faction that won replacing those who were in Senzo’s faction”.
Cadre deployment has contributed negatively towards the development and uplifting of different communities in KwaZulu-Natal, as local government performance in delivering service to the people has declined greatly. Across the province, we have seen several service deliveries protests have been caused by the failure of unqualified cadres that have been deployment by the ANC in government (Tshishonga, 2014). One participant uncovered that the individuals who are against defilement happening nearby government especially in those that a run by the ANC they have been expelled or executed.
“Another example will be that of the former Harry Gwala district member of the council. He started to ask a question about corruption, he produced documents of tremendous corruption in the awarding of security tenders with inflated prices without proper documentation. He then lost his position as the speaker and ANC councillors and he was removed because of that. And then when they were local government elections wasn’t even nominated as the councillor”. Theses finding serve as the indication that cadre deployment only functions positively for those people who occupy high positions of authority and their associates in government. This malicious sequence jumps with councillors and the councillors will delay the process of local government. Madumo (2015) expressed that political organization, political deaths and other related conflicts among legislators and authorities inside the area have perplexing nearby taxpayer-supported organization's arrangement because of politically spurred conflicts. Governments meeting and committee conversations in the civil gathering are directed along with party-political positions and ideological group bunches work significantly along inside factional lines. Political infighting has a genuinely negative effect on metropolitan help conveyance (Madumo, 2015).
Effectiveness of Cadre Deployment
Participants had criticized and expressed ineffectiveness of framework sending in KwaZulu-Natal local government and other government institutions. They said this policy has only favored cadres who have been sent on premise of political factionalism and alliance to certain ideological groups not based on qualification credentials. “In most cases we see people getting deployed just because they belong to a faction and they are friends with particular people who have costed us in this province and across South Africa. You see it in the failure of these individuals to deliver and almost every day you service delivery protests”.
De Haas (2016) agreed that factionalism, fighting for position and management of the resource in the local government among members of the similar parties have had a significant negative impact on sustaining and maintaining municipalities in the province. This has resulted in municipalities encountering several challenges mostly being factionalism. Twala (2014) concurs with De Haas when said regardless of the good work that has been done by some cadres that have been deployed in government institutions in the past. The challenge is that the committees that deals with the deployment of cadres in government institutions at the national, provincial and local government there are all driven by factionalism and political infights. (Twala, 2014). What normally happens when the other faction didn’t win the conference the form breaks away parties (Twala, 2014).
Respondents have expressed that factional politics and political infighting have contributed to the disfunctionality and instability of several municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal. And that has been linked political killings and intraparty infighting to factionalism. “Intra political infighting emanates from tenders. The tendering system is of the things that hinder the local government from executing service delivery. When the potholes need to be closed, firstly the tender must be issued out and adjudicated, three months later is taken. The inter political violence and murdering of politicians happen because people understand that once you get into a position of power and control you are then going to be able to decide on who gets tenders, loot, steal and be reach. So, people will kill to be councillors, people will kill to be members of parliament because they know once you get there you be able to get tenders”.
De Haas (2016) concurs with study finding, the author state that other due to high political tensions in KwaZulu-Natal there was quit number of people who were killed. In 2016 build-up to the elections of local government, close to 20 people were killed, those killings were politically linked. Same year numbers of attempted murders were reported in areas such as Msinga, Harry Gwala, Ntshonga and Newcastle (De Hass, 2016). These alleged political killings did compel the premier of the province to form a commission of inquiry what then referred to as the Moerane Commission. This commission in it reported results it pointed out that political intolerance, factionalism within parties and the use of police as the power behind the savagery in the territory. In KwaZulu-Natal factionalism has become an infection that is murdering ideological groups. What aggravates it is that government officials don't just assault each other in open they even dispose of each other which has made the territory famous for most of these political killings. But the commission was disapproved of not tackling the issue that has attributed to violence in the province, the use of arms and the incorporation of privately owned security companies in KwaZulu Natal (De Haas, 2016). Though the results of the African National Congress in 2017 may have stopped the high level of factionalism in the ANC the party may be still be engulfed by divisions as some people are still battling for political endurance (De Haas, 2016).
Respondents also stated that cadre deployment has not been effective in the local government as qualified people have been ignored in favour of cadres who have failed to deliver. “Local government is lacking properly qualified people, who are going to do the job. It also lacks clever political leadership. Politicians are only concerned about how much money they are going to steal. They are not obsessed with people. There are no skilled and qualified people in local government”. This discovery is bolstered by the study done by Reddy (2016). As indicated by Reddy (2016), political decision or arrangement of civil functionaries who are not enough qualified and dependent on political support and nepotism is a limitation on the productive and powerful execution of nearby government (Reddy, 2016). Neighborhood government has been where a significant part of the political support has occurred with awful results, especially for administration conveyance (Reddy, 2016). Reddy (2016) concurs with this finding when the state that some of the appointment of government officials into different positions in government they do not have academic credentials and exposure in these positions they occupy. They're deployed based on political affiliation to parties and favoritism, they then fail to deliver. Eventually, that creates a problem for municipality not achieving effectiveness and efficiency on the delivery of basic needs to the people. Reddy persisted by stating that these people who are appointed without holding any qualification and experience but who are politically strong and competitive possess a danger to government institutions. This sphere of government has become a sphere where different political parties have failed, in the area of service delivery (Reddy, 2016).
Cadre Deployment Challenges
Participants have revealed that political infighting in the province has been one of the problems that have resulted in several municipalities been taken by the provincial government. One of the respondents in the study stated that if you are a political leader in the province you are bound to deal with your political enemies within your party before oppositional parties. For instance, he made an example of former eThekwini mayor, Zandile Gumede, whereby the ANC Young League was pushing for her immediate release on her position as the mayor. He stated that both Zandile and ANCYL belong to one party which is the ANC. Henceforth, he predictable them to deal with issues pertaining to the ANC in private meetings of the party, not on the public. Furthermore, he stated that factionalism and infighting are more pronounce in KwaZulu-Natal, then any province.
“Usually a person gets deployed based on political affiliation. In recent years we have seen factionalism with political parties, as a result, you would have noticed that even the conflicts which we used to see which was inter-party in nature. Today or in recent years the political intolerance and political fighting that you are seeing are no longer inter-party or across political parties, but it is now within political parties. If you noticed in recent years, ANC members at local government have been assassinated, even though the people who committed those assassinations have never been apprehended. What has become clear is that they are not a result of inter-party tensions, but they are more intraparty within parties”.
There were number political-related clashes and tension with the leadership of the ANC due to irregularities in the nominations for elections of 2016. In 2016 close to 20 people were killed on an allegedly politically motivated incident that happened in the province (De Haas, 2016). Nompumelelo Zondi, Phosithe Mbatha, and Anna Madonsela were members of the National Freedom Party. Inkatha Freedom Party also lost quite several its staunch supporters such as Mzwakhe Nkosi, Siyanda Mnguni and Thokozani Majola. The same year, the ANC lost close to 14 members. There also a few attempted killings that happened during that year. Chairperson Vikizitha Mlotshwa of NFP survived bullets (De Haas, 2016).
Respondents said the issues of factionalism within political parties and conflicts in KwaZulu Natal have been a major problem.” Intra political infighting emanates from tenders. The tendering system is of the things that hinder local government from executing service delivery”. De Haas (2016) concurs with this study when she said, in the early seven-month of 2016 deaths of almost 20 people were killed due to political-related clashes and tension with the leadership of the ANC due to irregularities in the nominations for elections of 2016.
The finding of the study revealed that those deployed in government positions on policy line are not doing enough in their committees of working in order to resuscitate the local government that is collapsing daily. “Cadre deployment result to poor service delivery and poor service delivery result to community protests and community protests eventually lead our communities these days when the protests they even prefer to destroy what they have in order to express their willingness to get what they don’t have now the cadre deployment therefore eventually result to a chain of problems within the community where cadre deployment manifest itself because the area that really gets affected by the cadre deployment is the area of service delivery’’.
This finding concurs with what was said by Shava & Chamisa (2018) when they said that cadre deployment of the ANC has resulted in several the departments in local government declining because they are poorly managed through political deployment. In 2009 COGTA reported several municipalities are failing to plan their projects and budget wisely. These municipalities don’t have qualified technical people (Shava & Chamisa, 2018). There have been several challenges that relate to management and service delivery due to cadre deployment being forced into local government. One of the participants stated that some cadres are being deployed into government in order to get resources. Wrong things have been done in order to loot the resources of the state. This will result in communities suffering from poverty and that will result in several service delivery protests. “The nature of cadre deployment dictates that you are in that position for your party not in that position for the community. Now that will create a lot of clashes between you and the oppositions and between and your people within your political party”. Study findings concur the study done by Tshishonga (2014) when they highlight, cadres have resorted in the process of deploying themselves in government which becomes a problem because it totally against the will of the people and party. Members of the ANC today perceive the process of cadre deployment as the channel for upward mobility and the platform to enrich them. Respondents also expressed that the process of the ANC using cadre deployment to sending their people into government doesn't underline the aptitudes and capacity expected to improve administration conveyance. “The challenges are when people are put in the position of authority simply because of their political affiliation and factional affiliation and not necessarily their administrative capacity, that where the problem is but if people are knowledgeable and with skills then cadre deployment is not bad”
The study of Tshishonga (2014) concurs with this finding when the author said the ruling party is not happy about the deployment of academic qualified and experienced people into government positions. It shows that qualified people are not favored on the ANC process of cadre deployment (Tshishonga, 2014). The finding of the study showed that a significant number of service protests that have occurred in the province are mainly outcomes of cadre deployment. Employees, most of the ANC are being chosen to lead in high positions in government with on proper experience and qualification. Thereafter, this has resulted in several corruptions and thieving in local government. “Unfortunately, these incompetent cadres and officials bring in consultants who are also their friends to do the job for them. This means a lot of money that could be used for service delivery is going to the pockets of councillors who get interested from consultants that are politically connected; it’s not going to the maintenance of water and infrastructure. All this corruption is as a result of political patronage and cadre deployment”.
This study concurs with what was said by Shava & Chamisa (2018) when he said that with cadre deployment there have been amount problems that have ranged from lack of transparency, accountability, maladministration and other challenges (Shava & Chamisa, 2018). Cadres deployed on political cards have been a cause to the poor performance of several municipalities, departments (Shava & Chamisa, 2018). One participant said that they were utilized to the pressures between the ANC and Inkatha Freedom Party however the strains they are presently seeing relate more to the ANC as the decision party. “In recent years we have seen factionalism with political parties, as the result you would have noticed that even the conflicts which we used to see which was inter-party in nature”.
De Haas (2016), Factionalism has been one of the factors that have led to the widespread political killings in KwaZulu-Natal, which has eventually affected many municipalities in a state of inefficiency and instability. Between May 1994 and the end of 1998, approximately 4,000 people died in political violence in KZN (De Haas, 2016). One participant indicated that several municipalities have become a huge problem because of the cadres deployed in these municipalities they do not perform their duties as expected because they were deployed on the cards of political affiliations. “When it’s time for performance these cadres are unable to perform. Then challenges rise between the cadre and the political administration at the local government level if the cadre was deployed by the political leadership which is not at the political level”.
Reddy (2016) concurs of this finding when the author said the selection of public officials who are not adequately skillful and utilized dependent on political help and preference is a breaking point on the efficient and usable presentation of neighborhood government (Reddy, 2016). Neighborhood government has been where a significant part of the political support has occurred with shocking results, especially for administration conveyance (Reddy, 2016). They further express that the arrangement of unfit and incompetent Municipal workers with a solid political and serious assurance is an obstruction to a powerful and productive neighborhood government (Reddy, 2016). Nearby government has been where numerous political governments have taken on destructive punishments, particularly in-administration conveyance (Reddy, 2016). Respondents brought up that few political killings that are occurring in KwaZulu-Natal and the districts have been brought about by a misconception between political and administrative leadership. Some killings have occurred due to the fighting over resources. “There are plenty of these squabbles that we have seen. Luck again in recent years they have more to do with factions than tensions across all political parties”.
De Haas (2016), concurs with this finding when she said, for the past decades, dishonesty has been the foremost cause of political murders in KwaZulu-Natal. People who have often fingered for corrupt have been killed and threatened. Former ANC Youth League Secretary-General, Sindiso Magaqa, was killed after being vociferously unhappy about unproven dishonesty and unlawful spending in the uMzimkhulu Municipality. Participants have also indicated that the political and managerial administration circumstances in KwaZulu-Natal are tense in view of the inadequate choice and enrolment methodology rehearsed in Local government and the regions. “In fact, one can convincingly state that only political affiliations and appointments are the order of the day. Experience, qualifications, knowledge, and leadership skills are disregarded when it comes to making political appointments of people who supported or did a favour to the ruling party! Political appointments become a problem when you appoint someone who knows nothing about the role that he/she must perform”.
Reddy (2016) concurs with this finding when she said, former President Zuma, speaking during called SALGA conference in 2015, said municipalities should appoint capable staff and he blamed public employees who employed people based on nepotism and political affiliations.
Cadre Deployment Gaps
The findings of the study revealed that cadre deployment gaps are that people who get to be deployed in senior positions are incompetent and unqualified which causes huge several challenges for local government and citizens at large. The finding indicates that there must be some accentuation on legitimacy, capabilities, and experience. ‘‘Some of the time simple for an individual to get a degree in South Africa and qualified competitors are utilized by understudies needing to improve their capabilities. We have many individuals who have degrees, yet they can't develop a sentence''.
Madumo (2015) concurs with the finding of the study when the author as the application of unit arrangement in neighborhood government and in public institutions by the African National Congress has been objected by different opposition parties in KwaZulu-Natal. One participant proposed that the individuals who are liable for sending must comprehend the necessities and needs of individual in districts. They should comprehend the necessities of the various offices in the region and what sort of aptitudes and characteristics are required. The individuals who are managing unit arrangements must have the option to adjust the abilities and capabilities of the frameworks.
Local government has a duty to consistently provide service delivery that is deemed important to please and meet the communities' needs and wants that are considered economically viable and sustainable. Unfortunately, KwaZulu-Natal resident’s dissatisfaction with the poor level of service delivery by local government has resulted in recurrent service delivery protests across the province and South Africa as the whole. In keeping with the country’s socio-economic blueprint, the National Development Plan – 2030, a variety of areas for targeted action in improving governance and administration needs to be improved.
Political Appointment (Cadre Deployment)
There’s consensus that political appointments could impact negatively the effectiveness and efficiency of municipal governance. The appointment of people for reasons of political connection, and not the skills and abilities of a person, undermines certain basic aims of true governance. For example, the appointment of people who are unable to perform their functions will reduce the efficiency of the municipality, as they will not be able to implement council policies and decisions. Therefore, a municipal council cannot rely on its senior management to make its decisions effectively. In addition, a political candidate is more likely to be held accountable to his or her political officials than the rest of the council, which could undermine the poor service provision. Municipal authorities should work for the general public and not just for their part; the appointment should therefore not be based on political affiliation.
This is another factor that must be addressed in the delivery of illegal and corrupt services to local governments. Travelling authorities, found guilty of misconduct, fraud or maladministration, moving from one municipality to another is still a problem for local government and other public entities. Municipalities must make sure that they are using proper disciplinary procedures to ensure that officials will know that there will be consequences if they do not comply with policies and procedures.
Declaring ways to avoid political intervention in administrative functions is extremely complex. The first approach is likely to have greater political stability by political parties. It would be advisable for these groups to hire better councillors. If the appointment of a political candidate remains the way for South African municipalities, political parties must ensure that the candidates meet the minimum legal requirements.
Corruption is not only the result of poor governance but also an impediment to the economic development and growth of a strong democratic society. A corrupt or unsuccessful bureaucracy can impede economic development, undermine the credibility of democratic institutions and erode the social power needed to extend human life and enhance human potential.
The widespread corruption in municipalities in the local government of KwaZulu-Natal has led to the general distrust of the municipal government among residents. Corrupt officials must be investigated and dismissed in a timely manner if they are found guilty of committing a criminal offence in order to ensure the integrity of a municipality and that the community may have confidence in the municipality, knowing that corrupt officials are under the law Corruption will not be tolerated. To prevent corruption, municipal councillors and officials may not be allowed to engage in business together.
Throughout the study, participants had consistently made references to the shortage of experience within KwaZulu-Natal local government sphere and how it continuously and negatively impacted the effectiveness and efficiency service delivery. It seems the bulk of municipalities within the province are unable to produce basic services and aren't financially viable. Capacity building and competence are critical for municipalities if they are to strive for effective and efficient service delivery. Extensive and permanent investment in education and training, coupled with excellent collaboration between all relevant role players, is thus the key to success in the local government sphere. It is critical to look creatively at strengthening institutional capacity through skills acquisition and development. Ways must be found to attract the best technical, managerial and financial thinking to municipalities to bring about a turnaround. The focus is on building strong municipal administrative systems and processes. This includes ensuring that administrative posts are filled with competent and dedicated people whose performance is closely monitored. Directed and measurable training and capacity building must be provided for councils and municipal officials to meet the challenges of local governance.
Improved Accountability and Oversight in Local Governance
There has been a lack of political will and oversight procedures in local government and public institutions. There should be an improvement in accountability in local government in order to enhance the level of service delivery, which has been of the elements that have suffered the most. Service delivery accountability, at its simplest, is about making sure people responsible for delivering public services do their job best and use resources efficiently and equitably. Definition and clear accountability mechanisms and procedures must exist in all municipalities to enable public accountability. It is proposed that municipalities should consider the state of ethical issues, fraud, corruption, and misconduct.
Areas for Future Research
Future studies on local government should focus more on the impact of political factionalism and political intraparty infighting in local government. These two elements have contributed significantly on the dysfunctionality to a few municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal and South Africa. Due to these elements, we have witnessed several service protests in the province because some deployees of government have been deployed based on factionalism that does not merit. In the past decade, there have been several political interferences and political killings that have impacted negatively on local government management and leadership.
Cadre deployment is not only problematic in KwaZulu-Natal. In fact, this policy has been a problem across the country where the African National Congress governs. Despite pleura of policies and programs that have implemented by the government to ensure a level of professionalization in local government but through cadre deployment corruption is still rampant in KwaZulu-Natal. To ensure a level of professionalism in local government and public institutions, the government should use a meritocratic system. Through this system, people would be recruited based on merit and academic credentials. This will limit and degrees the high level of dysfunctional and unsustainable municipalities in the province. Government has lost so much through the application of cadre deployment, as most of these deployees through policy considerations they don’t have qualification and experience to produce excellent results in local government.
For political parties, there must promote the culture of anti-corruption and anti-crime. This will help to fight against corruption and those who are corrupt be brought to book. People deployed into government must instill in their belief that corruption is ultimately looting; behaviour undertook members with a sole purpose of stealing public resources and thus endangering people to a malicious cycle of poverty and underdevelopment.
Tainted people in corruption and other wrongdoings they should not be considered for deployment. This has been happening for years where corrupted leaders are continuously getting get approval for deployment.
From national to local structures of different parties, people responsible for the deployment of cadres should be able to understand the prerequisite skill for local government. They should able to align the skills and qualifications of the cadres that are deployed in government. They should cease to deploy cadres based on the patronage system. The issue of clear governance and ethics should also be considered in deploying cadres. And check the history of individuals deployed in the position of the government, to how he or she has performed in previous portfolios. This will preclude a situation of having someone who has been rejected or removed somewhere for maladministration.
Political factionalism, intraparty infighting, corruption and service delivery protests, political Interferences and political killings, incompetent employees, capacity building and recycling of political deployees have been the main challenges that have been created by the application of cadre deployment in local government and other government institution in KwaZulu-Natal. From National to local structures, those who are responsible for deployment should understand the prerequisite skills for local government. Also, take into seriously cognizant the need for different departments in the municipality and what kind of skills and qualities are needed. They must able to align the skills and qualifications of the cadres that are deployed in municipalities. They must cease to deploy cadres because of political influence and patronage systems. The issue of clear governance and ethics should also be considered in deploying cadres. And check the history of individuals deployed in the position of the government, to how he or she has performed in previous portfolios. This will preclude a situation of having someone who has been rejected or removed somewhere for maladministration. They must be check-up and screening.
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Received: 15-Nov-2021, Manuscript No. asmj-21-5425; Editor assigned: 17-Nov-2021; PreQC No. asmj-21-5425(PQ); Reviewed: 02-Dec-2021, QC No. asmj-21-5425; Revised: 09-Dec-2021, Manuscript No. asmj-21-5425(R); Published: 15-Dec-2021