Keywords

Ethnic Biologism, Cultural Universalism, Primordialism, Integration, Quasi- Scientific Methodology, Race, Ethnos, Cultural Identity

Introduction

Contrary to the expectations of researchers in the field of social and cultural anthropology and public consciousness upon the whole, the XXI century has instigated turning to the problems that, it would seem, were solved long ago. Theses on racial and national superiority and the eternal nature of this superiority have appeared. The ethnic and racial factors have been considered as decisive in the exacerbation of economic, political, and social problems. The processes of ever-accelerating globalization of social communication forms and the exchange of cultural values have become an actualizing factor for humanity as a whole. Under these conditions, it makes sense to focus on the analysis of those theories and concepts that once allowed understanding and salvation of past ethnosocial problems, given the new facts and requirements that modern social processes impose on the theory.

Problem Statement

The biological criterion for sorting people showed its unreliability in antiquity. We intend to show how it was simulated in the past, e.g., by artificial changing the shape of the skull among the peoples of Asia and America.

Our criticism of ethnosocial biology assumes that ethnosocial biology destroys the connection of ethnic groups with nature and does not contribute to strengthening this connection. This provision is at odds with the concept of the constructive influence of ethnosocial biology and the relationship of ethnic groups with nature. The simulation of biological superiority (or inferiority) goes against the laws of nature and society. History has created peoples, equal yet different. For example, in the Qur'an, "the Lord ... says that He made tribes and families so that you could distinguish each other and not despise each other" (Lawrence, 2014).

In this respect, we do not always consider criticism of the primordial theory, assuming that ethnic groups' spiritual world depends on a natural landscape within which they have formed well-grounded. There is the malignancy of the gap between culture and nature. This circumstance leads to the need for environmental education (Shutaleva et al., 2020).

In the fate of modern multicultural societies, the phenomenon of integration is important. If integration is the only possible form of development of multicultural societies, there is a tendency for biocultural homogeneity. Biocultural homogeneity is present in mass culture and the general cult of consumption, which leads to a complete emasculation of historical memory. On the contrary, maximum preservation of ethnocultural identity can become the basis for intercultural integration. Cross-cultural dialogue is impossible in principle in the absence of cultures as such.

The Origins of Ethnic Biologism

Anthroposociology and Political Anthropology

The earliest attempt to analyze the ethnic factor and ethnic differences is the biologizing concept associated with singling out specific traits, inherent in representatives of certain ethnic communities by birth. According to this approach, the innate physical or psychological characteristics of one ethnic group make it superior to other ethnic groups, enabling it to control or colonize them.

Terminology-wise, European scholars of the late XVIII century did not differentiate between the concepts of "race" and "ethnos." In English and French, the concept "race": is close in its meaning to the word "ethnos." Moreover, such a distinction was not considered particularly necessary since the theories formulated primarily ideological goals that justified colonization and racial inequality. Only then were scientific tasks as an argument system.

The foundation of these views can be found in the writings of the philosophers from Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome. They considered the historical course of events as the result of outstanding people (their compatriots, called for assistance to lead wild peoples) actions. The ethnic structure of the world, compiled by Strabo and Herodotus, included only two classes of peoples – the Hellenes and barbarians.

In the New Age, Edward Gibbon and Christoph Meiners became the first academic scholars who attempted to substantiate the inequality of human races. In his multivolume work "The History of the Decline and Destruction of the Roman Empire" (1776-1787), Edward Gibbon put forth the idea that the death of great civilizations occurs due to leaching more valuable blood from the social organism of the state and replacing it with less valuable blood. According to Gibbon, the history of the decline of antiquity is explained by the numerical reduction of representatives of the culture-cultivating white race in comparison with the colored races, "incapable of creating culture." Gibbon carried out a physiognomic analysis of the racial features characterizing the sculptures of emperors and the highest nobility of the empire and found signs of "racial substitution" in sculptures of the 2nd-3rd centuries A.D. E. Gibbon believed that the European race created an unprecedented giant organism of the world empire. However, centuries later, says Gibbon, immigrants from Asia Minor, Africa, and the Mediterranean, who were "less valuable" biologically and culturally, gradually took hold of the top posts in the empire and failed to maintain the "priceless gift they did not deserve" and brought about "the degradation of the ancient Roman civilization" in the abyss of "the wild perverted orgies of the East" (Gibbon, 2013). Indeed, Rome was a mishmash of peoples at the time of its collapse, and barbarians entered the city without a fight. Therefore, today this analogy might seem tempting: why not blame immigrants for modern Europe's spiritual decline and moral crisis?

In the 1785 "General Outline of the History of Mankind" (Grundriß der Geschichte der Menschheit, 1785), Christoph Meiners classified humanity into two races: "Mongolian" and "Caucasian." Laying a greater emphasis on the latter, Meiners wrote that the "Caucasians" were tall, possessed much bodily strength, were handsome and quick-witted. Accordingly, the Mongols (to which Mainers attributed Native Americans) were characterized by the opposite signs. It is noteworthy that Meiners did not consider skin color a sign of human race differentiation (Tokarev, 1978). The first ideologist of scientific racism did not attribute the "dark race" to the human race. This idea was the manifestation of the so-called Meiners' polygenism, who thought the origin of the "white" and "black" to be different in principle (Gupta, 2007).

The work of Count Joseph Arthur de Gobineau "The Inequality of the Human Races, 1853" (Gobineau, 2016), is considered to be a classic sample devoted to European racism. In this work, the concepts of ethnos and race are also used as the equivalent. Gobineau expanded the signs of race classification, attaching the utmost significance to the presence of unique mental qualities that contribute to the development of people's culture. However, unlike Meiners, Gobineau included the "black" ("melanic") race into the composition of the human race.

Joseph Gobineau believed that culture created by one race could in no way penetrate the environment of another race. Moreover, what is called a "mixture of cultures" is a direct path to wildness. Gobineau labeled "melanic black" as the lowest race, and "yellow" was few developed. The highest and progressive is the "white" race, especially its elite – the "Aryan" race. Yes, it was Gobineau who first came to the acknowledgment of the Aryan race mythic superiority.

It was this race, according to Gobineau, that gave rise to all known civilizations, including the Egyptian, Chinese, Mexican and Peruvian. Considering this viewpoint, Gobineau's assertion of the famous thesis about the Norman-Varangian origin of the Russian civilization looks quite logical (Gobineau, 2016).

Gobineau warned that Europeans would sooner or later become a victim of their own disinterested desire to cultivate barbarian peoples. Thus, the white race, as Gobineau saw it, created civilization everywhere, gradually mixed with other races, losing its purity and, therefore, its original energy. This idea led and keeps on leading to general stagnation, dull monotony Gobineau's "end of history" is quite disappointing: the human race, which has reached complete animal dullness, will die out, and the "numb globe will continue to go round in its dispassionate space circles without us ..." (Gobineau, 2016).

Herbert Spencer, the inspirer of social Darwinism, who denied the possibility of any equality and justice [Spencer, 2002], set the stage for grounding the biologization justification of ethnic stratification. Social Darwinism found racial and anthropological theories of the XX century particularly useful.

Otto Ammon tried to explain the conditionality of public order by naturally conditioned ethno-racial inequality in distribution and realization of power opportunities (Ammon, 2010).

The Frenchman Georges Vacher de Lapouge, in his "anthroposociology", was the first to spot a correlation of the magnitude of the so-called head index, which in physical anthropology is indeed considered a physical discriminating criterion with the abilities and social status of local anthropological types.

One of the classifications of populations is head size. It is believed that the dependence of the magnitude of the head pointer expressed a percentage of the ratio of the largest head width (transverse diameter) to its largest length (longitudinal diameter) in the horizontal plane.

According to this idea, people are divided into brachycephalic (short-headed), mesocephalic (medium-headed), and dolichocephalic (long-headed).

Measuring the heads of 20 thousand French and 30 thousand recruits in Baden (a region in southwestern Germany), Lapouge divided Europe's population into three groups. The "best" was a North European long-headed Protestant who was brave, blond, and impetuous. This individual was a dolichokephalus, a descendant of the German conquerors, who settled mainly in cities. Lapouge called him Homo Europeus. "Less good" was an alpine short-headed Catholic, a brachycephalus, a descendant of ancient Gauls, local autochrones, swarthy and calm, loving to sit on his land and obey the government, hating progress. It was followed by a Mediterranean, stunted, dark-skinned mesokephalus. The latter, Lapouge believed, was worse than an Alpine, even though he had a more authentic head. "Worse" is because it came from the "degenerated" ancient Romans, mixed with a wild tribe of fishermen, and therefore poorly subordinate. In addition, the concept of "mesokephalus" was beneficial to the Nazis as a mechanism of substantiating anti-Semitism. Inadequate short-headedness became the criterion of a perverted mind, slyness, and harmful insight.

The German scientist Ludwig Woltmann was both an apologist of the bourgeois system and, at the same time, a theorist of the expediency of exploiting the lower races. He believed that capitalism, as the most progressive device globally, could function only through the exploitation of retrograde peoples. "The German race is called to embrace the globe with its dominance, to use the treasures of nature and labor and to include the passive races as an official member of their cultural development" (Weindling, 1993). Although capitalism, according to Woltmann, was the best of all existing social forms in the sense of promoting social selection, it was also limited and, as Woltman thought, would be replaced by another, more expedient system.

It was fascism that became the one. The creator of official Nazi race studies is Houston Chamberlain. "British by origin, but German at heart," unlike his predecessors, he was not only a racist and anti-Semite but also the first one to propose using the "empirical" achievements of physical anthropology as a criterion for racial genetic selection (Chamberlain, 2005). It was then that the Nazis began to measure people's heads, the shape of their ears and eyes. Since then, the term "Aryan," praised by Gobineau, has acquired an ideological, sinister meaning.
Biologism Oddities

In Germany, ethno-racial terminology was so ideologized that it finally lost connection with science at some point. It was found that the biological and physiological indicator was malfunctioning. Thus, science had to search for non-scientific compromises. So, scientists advised the Führer to establish the "Honorary Aryan" title referring to non-Aryans, helpful to Germany. More than 150 "honorary Aryans" appeared in the Third Reich. The vast majority included prominent Jewish industrialists such as Fritz Mandl and Reynold Gesner, Oscar Wasserman, and Hans Priwin. They did not want to share the tragic fate of their people. So, in 1936, when information about the persecution of Jews in Germany spread around the world, Wasserman telegraphed to the New York Stock Exchange, begging his colleagues to do everything possible to "stop the spread of disruptive and completely unfounded rumors" (Bartulin, 2013).

Among "honorary Aryans" were Russian emigrants living in Germany, a chess player Efim Bogolyubov and an actress Olga Chekhova. World chess champion Alexander Alekhine, who emigrated to France in 1921 and successfully survived the war in Nazi-occupied Paris, even wrote a curious article "Arisches und judisches Schach" (Aryan and Jewish Chess) (Winter, 1989).

In South Africa, during the apartheid era, the status of "honorary whites" was developed by analogy with the "honorary Aryans" of the Third Reich. This status was obtained by some Asians and even Negroes, if the scientific commission established that the representative of the minority was "civilized," fully accepted Western values, and, therefore, could use the same rights as whites (Braithwaite, 2014). For example, the Malawian ambassador was an "Honorary White" in South Africa since the Republic of South Africa had maintained diplomatic relations with Malawi. For the same reason, "Honorary Whites" in South Africa were the ambassadors of Japan and Thailand. This афсе testifies that in cases of science merging with ideology, science turns into a mere pseudoscientific farce.

Meanwhile, back in the late 1930s, with the goals of the "scientific organization" of Nazism, the German anthropologist Hans F.K. Günther suggested resorting to the term "Aryan" with caution. Because of the language and origin, Aryans, immigrants from the ancient Indian area speaking Indo-Aryan languages, also included groups utterly unsympathetic to the Nazis, such as Gypsies and "closest relatives of Jews" Armenians. The term "Nordic" (North European) was gaining more and more popularity and was resorted to frequently to define the ruling world race of long-headed, blond, and blue-eyed (Günter, 2019).

The term "Nordic" has a rather complicated history. Scientists agree that the concept was first used by Joseph Deniker, a Russian scientist of French origin (Alexeev, 1986: 19-21).

Indeed, in 1904, Joseph Deniker used the term "Nordic" to refer to the North European anthropological type (Deniker, 2014a). In the article "Six Races That Make Up the Modern Population of Europe," published in French, the word 'Nordique' was used (Deniker, 2014a: 182). However, in a different profound work, published in English four years earlier, the concept of Northern race was used with European races (Deniker, 2014b). Deniker writes that the Northern race is nothing other than Lapouge's Homo Europeus (Deniker, 2014b).

One can only guess why the Nazis preferred the French version of the term to English. It can be assumed (although there is no evidence) that from 1900 to 1904, Deniker deliberately made changes to the research vocabulary to avoid confusion. Indeed, the word "northern" possesses a more distinguished geographical connotation. Theoretically, it can be attributed to all the peoples of the North of Europe. There were intermediate types between Caucasians and Mongoloids (for example, Sami). It just happened so that the concept "Nordic," which Deniker came to in 1904, became tendentious later.

Deniker was never a racist, and all the races he identified were confirmed as actual units of the world's population racial systematics. The scientist died in 1918 in Paris, never having learned what inhuman application the proposed term would be developed. It is worth mentioning that Joseph Deniker began to quote the word "Aryan" long before Hans Gunther and endowed the concept with exclusively linguistic meaning, using it with Indo-European languages ascending to Sanskrit (Deniker, 2014b).

Biologism in Universalist Culture Interpretations

Today biologization and racism are dressed up in various clothes: from flashy and demonstrative to politically correct. Biologism often miraculously merges with the so-called psycho-cultural absolutism. The trend is to absolutize similarities between cultures: any specificity is denied, the apparent differences are ignored (Barber, 2008). However, since there are no differences in culture, the cumulative differences in indicators, such as abilities, academic performance, and intelligence among various representatives of ethnic communities, can be explained solely by biology, that is, innate endowments or inferiority of an ethnic group.

It all started in the mid-XIX century when the British Statesman W. Gladstone drew attention to some oddities in Homer's poems: the lack of words denoting brown and blue and the significant predominance of "the crudest and elementary forms of color, such as black and white." He considered this point as a sign of primitivism and inferiority of the ancient Greeks' color vision. It even triggered off discussions about the color blindness of the Greeks from the time of Homer (Bradley, 2011).

At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries, another scientist, the founder of comparative cultural psychology, W. Rivers, was checking a popular point of view on the islands of Torres Strait Rivers. It was connected with greater (compared with people from industrial societies) development of some feelings among "primitive" peoples, particularly non-Europeans' extraordinary visual acuity. Rivers was proving the so-called compensatory hypothesis, according to which primitive peoples achieved well-developed perceptual processes at the expense of more limited mental abilities. In other words, if too much effort is spent on sensation and perception, it tells badly on the intellect (Haddon, 2011).

Finally, at the beginning of the XX century, A. Binet and T. Simon created intelligence tests to measure children's readiness for school and identify children who require special education. However, after the tests got to North America, they became widespread in schools and government programs. That was how testing people from different cultures became an object of scientific and political debate. Fierce controversy erupted after three-quarters of Italian, Hungarian, and Jewish immigrants, who arrived in the United States in 1913, were recognized as mentally retarded according to the test results. Some participants of the debate defended the scientific nature of intelligence tests, arguing that immigrants from southern and eastern Europe should not be allowed to enter the United States, or they should not be educated and do dirty work (Cole & Scribner, 2009).

C. White refers to the works of the authors who believe that the "Intelligence Quotient" (IQ) for "color" US residents, on average, is usually lower than for whites (White, 2000). In a debate known as nature versus learning, proponents of nature argue that tests measure innate abilities, and differences in IQ are inherited. In this case, the dominant factor in explaining the differences in biological education – the race, while tests can be applied (and indeed have been resorted to repeatedly) when trying to prove the racial superiority of some peoples over others.

Proponents of "learning" insist that the differences in IQ between residents of the United States have appeared due to culture and social environment. The lower scores of the minority groups' representatives are a consequence of the adverse socio-economic conditions in which their children grow. Proponents of this approach rely on research results, according to which IQ is closely related to social class adherence. For example, poor whites' results are generally 10-20 points lower than the results for whites traced to the middle class. A more significant environmental effect than racial origin was particularly evident in studies, where the intelligence quotient of poor whites in the southern states was lower than that of African Americans living in the more economically prosperous northern states (White, 2000).

Meanwhile, the problem is probably more manifold. An American ethnopsychologist D. Matsumoto claims regarding the subject: "We only know that intelligence tests are good predictors of verbal skills necessary for success in modern industrial society, in cultures with a formalized educational system, spreading all over the world. But such tests may not measure motivation, creativity, talent, or social skills, that are no less important when it comes to ensuring success" (Matsumoto & Juang, 2016).

The thesis advocating the absence of cultural differences (the thesis is, in fact, a denial of the obvious) ultimately leads to the "identification: of biological and psychological differences. So, if differences are found (which as a rule takes place) in numerous intelligence indicators among various ethnic groups, they are interpreted not as culturally but as biologically determined. As a result, it may easily be concluded that one ethno-racial group is genetically more intelligent (or more honest, more purposeful) than the other, which is, respectively, less intelligent, more dishonest, and depressive.

Hence, through throwing light upon assessing intelligence tests, we have attempted to show how ideas about spiritual and intellectual superiority or inferiority of ethnic groups are disguised as reliable and acceptable forms and the declaration of cultural equality.

Ethnosocial Biology in Russia. A Fly in the Ointment

In Russia, arrogance towards others, especially racism, has never been characteristic of science, ideology, or real-life practices. It is fair to recall the famous Russian anthropologist and traveler Miklouho Maclay (Webster, 1984), the historian and archaeologist V.P. Alekseev (Alexeev, 1986), and many other researchers.

Few Russian scientists declare their racist views openly and, more so, propagandize them. For example, the book "Rasology" is quite well-known (Avdeyev, 2015). Its author is
V.B. Avdeev, a member of the Writers' Union of Russia. According to the author, the classics of racism, whom we have tackled above, appear to be "most talented scientists," and German Nazism quite "organically" fits into the outline of scientific expediency. The chapters are preceded by epigraphs, most expressive among which are: "Humanoid apes have no blue eyes" by Ludwik Krzywicki or "Almost every known black ancestor makes a person black" by Richard Lewontin. Praising the "fair" race and belittling all the others, the author skillfully includes the worthiest Russian scientists into his circle of like-minded people.

The historians or archaeologists (A.F. Weltman, V.P. Alekseev, K.F. Smirnov, E.E. Kuzmina) discovered human remains in Central Asia, Kazakhstan, or Siberia with a physique close to Caucasoids. V.B. Avdeev confirms that a fair-haired person created civilization in these territories since other people are supposedly unable to create a civilization due to the initial intellectual defect.

Suppose anthropologists (A.I. Wilkins and others) described a meeting with Manchus, mountain Tajiks, or Kyrgyz with blue or green eyes, elongated faces, and fair hair. In that case,
V.B. Avdeev interprets this meeting as a sign of the primordial racial superiority of the long- headed.

Moreover, the ancient customs of some Central Asian peoples consisted in deforming the skull in order to lengthen it (V. Ginzburg, T.A. Trofimova), studied by many scholars. V.B. Avdeev interpreted this point as a realization of their psychophysical inferiority and a desire to resemble northern white-skinned long-headed people (Avdeyev, 2015).

If a scientist studies races and anthropological types, this does not mean that he is racist. However, Avdeev seeks to prove the opposite. None of the scientists cited by the researcher are presently alive, so, alas, they cannot object to racism.

Meanwhile, Vladimir Avdeev devalues those who cannot possibly enter the rank of his like-minded colleagues. He mocks at the works of Russian authors of the light period: G.I. Petrova "Racial Theory in the Service of Fascism" (1934), G.A. Schmidt "The Truth about Races and Racism" (1941), V.A. Vasilenko "Racial Ravings of Fascist Bandits" (1941), B.M. Zavadovsky "The Racial Nonsense of German Fascism" (1942), H.S. Koshtoyantsa "Science Against Fascist Ravings about Races" (1942), M.A. Moskalev's "Racial Pseudoscience of the Fascist Robbers" (1942), and others. Given that the books mentioned above were written primarily during the struggle of the Soviet people against the fascist invaders, Avdeev's statements about the "proletarian bad taste" and, most importantly, the "biological origin" of the authors (by this statement Avdeev creates an allusion to the Jewish roots of some authors), look blasphemous. What can one get from a "write" who mentions, as if in passing, that "Goebbels' ideological propaganda department did not allow itself to slide down to the level of arena warfare, which distinguished many Soviet scholars, hung with academic regalia" (Avdeyev, 2015).

In the book "Race and Ethnicity" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007) A. Sevastyanov, in collaboration with V. Avdeev asserts that there are "creator nations and parasite nations" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007). If so, does that mean that that Tajiks and Uzbeks, who are bending their backs at construction sites, are parasites, and officials sitting in warm offices, playing computer games, are creators?

V. Avdeev and A. Sevostyanov write about the "Nordic race" as the "most genetically pure and more valuable" part of the "great Caucasoid race" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007). Moreover, in their opinion, the black race belongs to the "least gifted on the globe" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007). A. Sevastyanov proposes to teach a black man willing to marry a white girl a lesson. Suppose a white girl decides to marry an African. In that case, her parents, according to Sevastyanov, should point to the door because "the traitor has no place in either a large family – the people, or a small people – the family" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007). The authors believe that interracial marriages lead to "degeneration" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007). The humanist Sevastyanov "warns" the reader: offspring from male Caucasian and non-European women can often not be obtained "except by the Caesarean section, such offspring are often burdened with complex diseases, genetic injuries, including mental ones" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007). "If normal and even talented people are born in such marriages," – by this instance, Sevastyanov recalls Alexander Pushkin, the "heart of Russian poetry," whose grandfather was an Arab and served at the court of the first Russian emperor Peter the Great, this is "an exception of inconceivable rarity" (Sevastyanov, 2007).

Sevastyanov suggests that races are "completely unequal" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007). Moreover, according to the authors, "there are no scientific arguments against racism at all" (Avdeev & Sevastyanov, 2007).

Alas, there can always be a fly in the ointment.

The Problem of Minority and Majority

The most damaging aspect of the influence of racist literature on the ethnic consciousness of one or another people is that the reader begins to correlate personal failures in family life, love, and career with the abstract failures of his/her "chosen race." A young man, who has never read Cervantes, begins to imagine himself as a certain Donquixote-romantic, surrounded by greedy bourgeois and hungry savages.

The book of the German publicist Thilo Sarrazin (Thilo Sarrazin) «Deutschland schafft sich ab: Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt» ("Germany Self- Destructs or How We Risk our Country") (Sarrazin, 2010) portrays labor migrants from many Middle Eastern countries as incapable of integration into the space of the European civilization. We do not intend to dwell on the replicated arguments criticizing Tilo Sarrazin because the book has cost him posts and authority. Capitalism is alien to high morality and patriotism, showing interest only in cheap labor. However, if we mentioned a shortage of workers or unwillingness of the European population to do hard work for little money, discussing these issues with Sarratsin, V.D. Avdeev, under his habit, would probably say something like this, speculating with the conclusions of the Russian geographer Grigory Efimovich Grumm-Grzimailo (Grumm- Grzimailo, 2014): "Long-headed blondes lost the fight in the struggle for the vital resources of Asia to short-headed brunettes, not because of the drawbacks of their physical and mental organization, but, on the contrary, due to excessive concentration in the region, inappropriate for their identification and disclosure. Driven by a sense of individual freedom and incapable of submission, initiative, and possessing rich creative imagination by nature, he was inevitably forced to lose to a crowd of non-initiative creatures, only capable of Asian servility and blind obedience. Deprived of lasciviousness and endowed with a knightly, lofty attitude towards a woman, the fair-haired "whites" accepted the only possible form of marriage for themselves – monogamy. This form of marriage predetermined the ever-increasing numerical superiority for the Mongoloids and Métis, adhering, due to the specifics of their sexual-psychological constitution of polygamy, to guest marriage and similar forms of sexual activity that are completely beyond the comprehension of a white person" (Avdeev, 2015).

This passage hardly needs a detailed critical comment. Everything is clear. Let us just say that "immortals create; mortals produce their kind" (Bunin, 1994). That is what many present-day "knights" believe. The "knight of the Russian prose" Ivan Bunin came up with similar thoughts via his character, who, like Bunin himself, had no children and did not wish to have any. Bunin was a Nobel laureate. Nevertheless, he did not love anyone and was a selfish person.

According to the 2019 data, one woman during her life gives birth to an average of one and a half children in Austria, Finland, Germany; in Denmark, France, Ireland, Russia, and the United States; the index rises to 1.8 children. In Tajikistan, Pakistan, and Papua New Guinea, there are about 3.5 children per woman, about seven children in Niger, and about six children in Somalia, Congo, and Mali (Source: The French Institute for Demographic Studies" = INED https://www. ined.fr/en/).

Ivan Bunin's arguments and the data provided by the Institute of Demography have brought us closer to formulating the most important question and answer to it. Why do we need ethnosocial biology at all? Or simply put, why do we need racism? First of all, racism is always not a scientific (or rather, quasi-scientific) concept. However, any concept is formed when there is a demand for it. The latter, in turn, arises when the ethnic, racial minority needs to oppress the majority. In contrary cases, when the majority discriminates against the minority, science is not needed, simple laws of numerical advantage apply here, and the minority is subjected to separate forms of discrimination. However, no biological explanation is sought.

Sometimes there may be situations when the ethnic elite does not use scientific and empirical data consciously to pursue paternalistic, rather than ethnographic, policies. Thus, in the modern Republic of Abkhazia, Armenians who once fled from the Turkish massacre are assigned the status of a numerical minority (for example, in the People's Assembly (Parliament), there are only 10% of them (Ashuba, 2004), while according to the unpublished census of 2003, the number of Armenians is comparable with the number of Abkhazians. At the same time, many people in Abkhazia, including Armenians and Russians staying there, justify the authorities' behavior since it aims to eliminate potential causes for open ethnic conflicts.

It is important to highlight in advance that racism towards Jews does not seem to fall within the definition of racism indicated above. This idea refers to the ratio of the elite minority to the majority. It is a particular situation, but a specific pattern works in this case as well. Jews have always been persecuted because they became the actual majority in significant social stratification positions: in industry and entrepreneurship and art, science, and chess (remember the "Aryan and Jewish Chess" by A. Alekhine). It happened within a concise period and took place in many societies, first and foremost, in Germany in the first half of the XX century. Among the four Austro-German geniuses of psychoanalysis, only one belonged to the Nordic type – Karl Gustav Jung, the other three – Sigmund Freud, Alfred Adler, and Erich Fromm – were Jews.

Anti-Semitism strangely feigns to belong to the elite, i.e., to that very minority. Here is what Jean-Paul Sartre says with reference to this situation: "Anti-Semitism not only consoles with hatred but also brings positive pleasures: by declaring the Jew a lower and harmful creature, I thereby affirm my belonging to the elite. Moreover, this elite is very different from the newest, distinguished by virtue or merit. This elite is in every way similar to the clan aristocracy. I do not have to do anything to earn my superiority, and under no circumstances can I lose it. It was given to me once and for all: it is a thing" (Sartre, 1995).

Most often, ethnosocial biology uses relatively simple, science-based, ideological constructs. So it was during the implementation of the Turkish genocide of Armenians a hundred years ago. Of course, in this case, the majority, not the minority, was subjected to oppression sanctioned by the authorities. In Western Armenia, part of the Ottoman Empire, Armenians were the majority. If things had been different, the Turks would not have needed genocide. The massacre took place in all parts of Western Armenia and all areas of Turkey inhabited by Armenians. The number of victims amounted to approximately one and a half million people, not counting the deportees. Western Armenia lost its indigenous population (Dadrian, 1996).

There was a decisive ideological pattern of the Armenian genocide. There is evidence that the role of Turkish social theorists in creating an intellectual base for the extermination of Armenians has been convincingly documented for a long time: Turkey for the Turks, expansion to the East, pan-Turkish future for Muslims of Central Asia (Dadrian, 1996). All these goals would not be feasible if there were an obstacle in the form of the Armenian Christian indigenous population in eastern Anatolia, which blocked the advance of the empire into the Turkic- speaking Muslim East.

Dadrian shows that during the years of beating Armenians, Kaiser Germany, an ally of Turkey, patronized the Turkish government in every way. It sought to capture the entire Middle East, and the liberation aspirations of Western Armenians impeded the implementation of these plans. In addition, Germany hoped to get cheap labor to construct the Berlin-Baghdad railway through the deportation of Armenians. They incited the Turkish government to arrange the forced eviction of Western Armenians. Moreover, German officers and other officials in Turkey participated in organizing the deportation of the Armenian population (Dadrian, 1996).

At the end of the 19th century, some German thinkers and activists, in particular Field Marshal Goltz, laid down the principles that formed the basis of the ideology of the Young Turk party Ittihad. Goltz, among other things, was the leading reformer of the Ottoman army and a teacher at the Istanbul Military College. The general developed a doctrine, which was fraught with disastrous consequences for the Armenian population of the Ottoman Empire and, in modern terms, would be called "ethnic cleansing" (Dadrian, 1996). The biopsychological labels attached to the Armenians very much resembled those used concerning the Jews: they have a particular head shape, are greedy and cunning, and breed too quickly.

As we see, the "Nordic" authors succeeded even in substantiating the Turkish Armenian genocide. Naturally, they succeeded yet more in the justification of Nordic dominance on the planet. In the situation where "a white man rules the world," back in the XIX century, Western science recognized the numerical advantage of non-European races on the planet. Admittedly, in recent centuries, the Europeans have had the most significant demand for racism.

The conquerors of the Wild West faced the most straightforward task. They simply exterminated the Indians, who did not want to become the white conquerors' slaves and brought in slaves from Africa. After the abolition of slavery, the dark-skinned and colored inhabitants of the North American continent served the white capitalist excessively long. Nowadays, non- prestigious work in the USA and Europe is still carried out by non-Europeans.

The French colonial empire owned most of Africa, and the non-white population of the empire by 1946 constituted 70 million. The British Empire, with its colonial possessions, where hundreds of millions of Africans, Indians, and Asians worked for the British bourgeoisie, occupied about a quarter of the terrestrial land, and single-handedly controlled the Pacific and Atlantic oceans between the two world wars (Savchenko, 2008).

In order to manage nations that are numerically many times larger than itself, the "Nordic" race needed a powerful scientific justification for its exclusive nature. Such a justification was only secondarily intended for conquered peoples, who simply submitted to a powerful invader. First of all, it was necessary for Western societies to feel their rightness and get rid of the trembling feeling of self-guilt.

Modeling Exclusivity

No one knows for sure when and where biologism arose as a form of scientific villainy of the minority concerning the majority. Some facts confirm the antiquity of practical biologization. Quasi-scientific constructions about the shape of the skull, physique, eye, and hair color have helped the autocratic minority to justify their exclusive right to power and wealth since time immemorial.

Meanwhile, priests, physicians, and philosophers, scientists quickly realized that the elite signs of biological superiority or inferiority were unreliable and not always inherited. The correlation of biological superiority with giftedness and ability did not have objective evidence (Püschel, Friess & Manríquez, 2020). Therefore, artificial stimulation of natural ethnic superiority was spreading.

In the medieval totalitarian states of the Zapotecs, Incas, and Maya, ethnic stratification resembled caste. These peoples included two sub-ethnic groups: a long-headed ethnic minority constituting an elite class of landowners and officials and a short-headed majority of powerless slaves. Even among the elite, Congenital long-headedness was a rarity, which explains the use of devices to extend infant skulls among the representatives of the "higher" sub-ethnos (Ershova, 2002).

However, American Indian surgeons learned to create not only biological exclusivity but also organic inferiority artificially. The short-headed sub-ethnos belonged to a particular lower despised category, even concerning the body of the dead. Moreover, archaeological evidence suggests the short-headed underwent numerous craniotomy operations on a massive scale. As the Russian anthropologist G.G. Ershov points out, it could turn a person into an obedient doer.
G.G. Ershova cites the data that the ratio of people with an artificially elongated head to people with a short, trepanned skull was 2 to 3 in the burials of the ancient city of Paracas (Ershova, 2002). As we can see, at that distant time, scientific and medical knowledge, obviously supported by religious and cult dogma, could become the platform of the social minority state policy. It only needs to be added that the Mayan civilization died out long before the arrival of Hernan Cortes in the XVI century: it is assumed that it was ruined by the ultra-strict centralization of power, the dominance of officials, and the inhuman attitude to the lower castes. In the IX-X centuries, residents left the country's major centers, and the northern neighbors, the Toltecs, captured the Mayan territory.

No less misfortunate was the fate of the Inca people living in Peru, who considered themselves the chosen Son of the Sun. The Incas believed that they lived to fulfill a great mission: the exaltation of other peoples (Indians) from the level of semi-humans. Throughout their campaigns and the process of creating an empire, they tried in every possible way to erase all kinds of memories of their former greatness from the consciousness of the subject peoples. The winners began to write history in a new way, revising the past. Local traditions were eradicated; everything that was older than the Incas' traditions was canceled. Emperor Pachacuti created the official Inca history, destroying everything that was not connected with the history of the Inca dynasty.

As a result, a false impression was created that only the Incas were carriers of civilization: they presented themselves as ones because there had been absolute cultural emptiness in South America before their arrival. Indeed, at present, there is no single written evidence of the pre-Incas history of America, and researchers are only attempting to obtain any information about it through archaeological excavations. Armenian ethnopsychologist Albert Nalchajyan considers the Incas history "a real example of the criminal, pathological self- sublimation of the ethnos, which led to disastrous results for civilization" (Nalchajyan, 2000).

Examples of man's "medical" enslavement also occurred among the Asian peoples in the Middle Ages and even New Time. The Zhuanzhuang nomads subjected the captive Sarozek prisoners to a terrifying operation: they put a "hoop" made of a freshened camel's hide on the alien's head, which squeezed the head of the prisoner, and erased his memory, turning him into a mankurt – a living dummy of the man (Aitmatov, 1988). "Mankurt did not know who he was, what tribe he came from, did not know his name, did not remember his childhood, father and mother … Upon the whole, mankurt did not recognize himself as a human being ... He was equivalent to a wordless creature and, hence, absolutely submissive ... He performed the task blindly ... The owner's command was prioritized" (Aitmatov, 1988). In the legend, the mother finds her son-mankurt, but he pierces her heart with an arrow at the behest of the owner, showing no signs of hesitation.

Chingiz Aitmatov writes: "Primordial, native ... the name of the mankurt book was "Hoop." This refers to the mankurtian "hoop," transformed into a cosmic hoop, "superimposed on the head of mankind" by superpowers in the process of rivalry over the world domination" (Aitmatov, 1988).

Moreover, although Aitmatov, of course, meant the rivalry between the USSR and the USA during the Cold War, today the influence of the world transnational, presently ethnically heterogeneous elite on the rest of the multibillion-dollar world of poor and straightforward people takes on a deeper and more tragic meaning. There is a complex, barely perceptible analogy with the Asian Middle Ages when artificially embodied uniqueness performed a particular primitive quasi-integrating function. The massive practice of artificial deformation of the skull in Sarmatian tribes is explained by the fact that this custom served as a conscious ideologically motivated mutual assimilation of people of different ethnicities to create a single community, a union of tribes. Deformed Sarmatian skulls belonged to different anthropological types. Based on this, Ginzburg & Zhirov (1949) conclude that artificial custom of artificial deformation was not associated with a separate ethnic component. The emergence and spread of this custom find its explanation: The psychic side of the community of people was determined by a two-pronged psychic phenomenon, which can be indicated by the expression "we and they." "We" is formed by the mutual assimilation of people within a community. "They" are also being formed simultaneously by distinguishing their community from others, by limiting their likeness (Porshnev, 2019).

Thus, in the Sarmatian tribes, the artificial deformation of the skull was a bio-power tool, a tool for the art of population management aimed at controlling an individual by achieving isomorphism (Greek isos – identical, equal, similar; morphe – form) – uniformity of objects traced to different entities (Zaichenko, 2009).

Simulating biological selectivity is an extra-historical obsession with fanatics. Worth mentioning are the (unsuccessful) experiments of the infamous Nazi doctor Josef Mengele on turning brown eyes into blue ones (Muller-Hill, 2001). Of course, Michael Jackson wanted to remake himself at all costs to remake himself as a 'white'?

What is to be Done about Nature?

Biologizing concepts tackling the predetermination of the historical role of races or ethnic groups are unscientific. This thesis is becoming especially obvious today, when representatives of completely different ethnic groups, coexisting in a multi-ethnic society, can show both the most advanced (intellect, compassion, will) and worst (aggressiveness, stupidity, anger, deceit) qualities of a person. The biologizing interpretation of the problem of ethnic differences is deeply inhuman.

The given passage could end our discussions on biologism in ethnosocial sciences. It is still worth contemplating whether there is anything natural in the concept of the people. The easiest way is to separate the concepts of ethnos and race (Schaefer, 2015) and state that race is a biological concept, and ethnos is exclusively sociocultural. One might also add that racial affiliation determines only the individual's appearance and does not affect culture, mentality, or worldview. All this is undoubtedly true.

However, most representatives of each ethnic group belong to one or two anthropological types. In this case, it is problematic to realize the concept of "anthropological type" for practical analysis and classification. Why is there is a steady combination of haplogroups of Y-DNA chromosomes transmitted exclusively from father to son in most ethnic groups? What about the other genetic characteristics of ethnic groups, for example, Basques practically do not have a third blood group, and a quarter of Basques have a negative Rh factor? In the end, each nation was formed in a particular natural area, and its genotypic features, along with socio-cultural ones, reflect a particular way of adapting to such an area.

Avoiding terminological studies, we ask ourselves: is it by chance that Armenians play tsiranapokha (a duduk made of apricot tree), and Mongols and Buryats play morin khuur, the headstock of which is made in the shape of a horse's head? Why does the sound of morin khuur resemble a steppe wind breath or even a horse neighing, and the sound of the Armenian duduk is muffled and pacifying? Why do Italians dance the tarantella and Maori dance haku? Could it be the other way around? If the Mongols originally lived in the Ararat Valley, and the Armenians inhabited the Mongolian steppe, Italians were in the islands of the Pacific Ocean, and Maori resided in the south of Europe.

However, those would have been completely different Mongols, Armenians, Italians, and Maori. In October 1769, James Cook reached the shores of a distant country (present New Zealand) and became the first European to travel around the country and map it. Cook was greeted by a hack dance (Gardiner & Gardiner, 2010). Is it possible to imagine the natives performing a tarantella to welcome the English seafarer?

Natural conditions in which an ethnic group is formed shape its picture of the world, the scope of attitudes, and worldview. We have touched upon natural conditions and their role in ethnic formation to show that not every mention of ethnic natural roots is necessarily vulgar biologization and, more importantly, racism.

In this respect, the Russian ethnographer and anthropologist Lev Gumilyov believed that the spiritual world of an ethnos is determined by the natural landscape in which the ethnos is formed. "The Greek word ethnos has many meanings in the dictionary … we have chosen one: "species, breed," meaning people" (Gumilyov, 1990: 41). The sculpture of an ethnos is a natural phenomenon ..., the history of nature is embodied in the bodies of people."

Yes, indeed, of all the meanings of this Greek word, L.N. Gumilyov preferred "species" and "breed." Due to this fact and his insufficient sociality and excessive proximity to nature in general, both Marxists and "liberals" labeled Lev Gumilyov a pseudo-scientist. For example, Leo Klein writes for those who, "guessing that Gumilyov's sermons are unscientific and dangerous, are at a loss, when it comes to articulating what exactly their viciousness is" (Klein, 1992).

Meanwhile, according to Gumilyov, ethnic groups are represented as elements of the ethnic sphere, a remarkable biosocial reality that develops per its unique laws. Gumilyov emphasizes that ethnicity goes through a series of evolutionary stages and dies like a living organism. The direction which Gumilyov adheres to is commonly called "primordialism" (Eng. primordial – the original). This approach assumes that a person's ethnicity is an objective fact that has its basis in nature and society. However, in this case, nature is a landscape and, in general, a geographical environment for developing an ethnos. Therefore, ethnicity cannot be artificially created or imposed. Ethnicity is a community with real-life, registered traits (Brownson, 1995). The signs could be indicated by which an individual belongs to a given ethnic group and by which one ethnic group differs from another. In the ethnosphere, the natural is inseparable from the social, and vice versa. It can be assumed, for example, that climate change in Russia (it is becoming milder), in particular, will change the mentality of the Russian people and, as a result, will affect the development of the Russian ethnic group.

No wonder Julian Bromley, who also criticized Lev Gumilyov, said that the ethnic group "certainly has its own "shell" in the environmental form, which is composed of both social and natural factors. In the first case, this role is played by the so-called social organism (both tribal and state); in the second, it has to do with the landscape. The factors mentioned above constitute not only the environment of the ethnic group but also a vitally important condition for its occurrence." At the same time, Gumilyov wrote that Bromley (a supporter of primordialism) quotes Hegel's words about the inadmissibility of "pointing to the climate of Ionia as the cause of Homer's creations or Caesar's ambition as the reason for the fall of the republican system of Rome" (Bromley, 1970).

Primordialism has nothing to do with vulgar biologism, and it was an attempt to combine "culture and nature organically." The identification of primordialism with racism is due to cultural absolutism and the indelible desire to associate any talk about the connection between man and breed with racism (Spencer, 2006). Some authors have gone so far as to see the causes of ethnic conflict in the primordial scientific approach (they even tried to accuse the primordialism of creating an ideology that provoked genocide of the Tutsi people by Hutu). In reality, these reasons are mostly connected with the struggle for power and resources (Sambanis, 2001). In fact, this labeling referred to any scientific approaches in social anthropology except for instrumentalism and constructivism (Joireman, 2004) in the spirit of Benedict Andersen.

Meanwhile, socio-anthropological studies are being carried out today in line with primordialism to understand the origins, depth, and nature of ethnic differences and similarities (Cifani & Stoddart, 2012).

Quite many authors recognize that primordialism, being an approach that reveals interdependence between the natural-geographical environment and ethnic solidarity and collective consciousness, can provide epistemological and conceptual tools that form a unique space for modern social anthropology (Osman, 2014).

Primordialism goes back to a certain extent, i.e., to the philosophical idea of the inseparability of idealism and naturalism. This idea was conceptualized by the French philosopher and sociologist Alfred Fouillée. In 1895, Alfred Fouillée (Fouillée, 2015) analyzed in detail the doctrine of the idealist school, based on the theory of social contract (J.J. Rousseau), and the teaching of the naturalistic school, which was opposed to it, based on the theory of the social organism. Fouillée believed that idealism and naturalism are interwoven and, hence, inseparable. He finds the possibility of combining the ideas of the contract and the organism in the idea of the so-called contractual organism.

Only ignoramuses and fanatics can deny that people are creators of nature. Primordialism, the idea of the inseparability of naturalism and idealism, emphasizes the interrelation between the mental world of the ethnos and nature, landscape, and, as a result, a common historical fate. Such views, in principle, are infinitely humane since they offer a person to live in harmony with nature, that is, with their nature and history.

On the contrary, social biology, especially its extreme manifestations, seeks to distort the laws of nature, and reverse them. The racist imagines himself as a lord because he believes that he can decide who is allowed to inhabit this world and who might exist in extreme hopelessness or not exist at all.

Meanwhile, a modern ethnobiologizer has more and more reasons to justify interference in nature: supposedly to save nature itself. A Norwegian rock musician, national socialist Varg Vikernes exclaims: "I have to have a negative attitude towards the "civilization" that rapes Mother Earth and destroys the human race, which torments animals and destroys the good, natural, healthy and pure." Varg Vikernes considers a new Utopia (the "old," as we recall, was described by Thomas More but never materialized) to be an alternative to such a civilization. However, the Utopia of the National Socialist is a futurological form of Nazism – only it, according to Vikernes, can save the Earth from being ruined: "our Utopia can be called the Fantasy world, where the elite possessing "magic" (technologies) lives far from other people similar to elves, while the latter live as if in the Middle Ages and possess only the simplest clothes and little knowledge (mainly about nature). In fact, our Utopia is not just a dream of the future, but also a memory of the past!" (Goodrick-Clarke).

Vikernes adds: "In this Utopia, several new races will be bred – from dwarfs (for mining) to dragons and trolls (to make ordinary people be afraid of nature and keep them away from elven technology centers in forests and mountains). Whenever heroes or heroines from among ordinary people show supernatural courage and intelligence, their children will be kidnapped and raised among the "elves," enabling the elite of humanity to concentrate and grow in only a few places. Over time, the "elves" fly away to the stars, build technology centers on the Moon, and other places where there will be no threat of pollution of Earth. From there, they will rule the masses like Gods, prevent the destruction of nature, the loss of people's respect for nature. This civilization is our future, says Vikernes, and I hope ... You can agree that this is not something negative. We need this to survive, to improve ourselves (our genetic material) and find out who is the best among us, in wisdom, courage – and blood!" (Goodrick-Clarke, 2003).

The Utopia of the National Socialist can be considered nonsense. However, the point is not how real it is, but that such ideas are trendy and are "in the air." For example, Kurt Vonnegut's science fiction story "Harrison Bergeron" (Vonnegut, 1998) and the film under the same title by Matthew Ferguson tell a story which takes place in the USA, in the distant future, where unique head hoops for averaging people's intelligence, are invented. Apart from the ruling elite, the entire population of America, which consists of prodigy people and governs the others subtly, receives the hoops. Moreover, this is done to ensure universal happiness, elimination of despair, fights, wars, and general dissatisfaction, as well as anything else that supposedly triggers off social inequality.

In fact, to mentally equalize people, a "hoop" is not necessary. One can simply select a criterion, applying which any specificity will be interpreted as a pathology. Moreover, outwardly everything will be pretty decent. The measurement of goals looks inhumane, whereas the measurement of intelligence, as we can see, is accepted by society.

Integrated Diversity

The ideologists of ethnosocial biology seek to redraw nature for themselves. However, this can be done without the help of biotechnology. So, modern multi-ethnic communities constitute a civil society only prima facie. In fact, there is nothing in common between a society of citizens, where knowledge and science dominate, and a consumer society, where millions of people are comforted by alcohol, drugs, and media products. Consumer society is designed so that representatives of different ethnic groups inside it turn into mankurts (they are also called marginal). Those are people without a past, who have forgotten their ethnic background, lost their culture, live for today. There is a peculiar form of cultural absolutism, which has been mentioned above in connection with intelligence tests. The population of ethnically diverse communities is convinced that the roots do not mean anything. The ethnocultural is a trifle compared to abstract civic culture, and the main thing is to be a citizen. A modern mankurt, a lonely man, torn from the "historical context," of course, will not shoot his mother with a bow but can certainly send her to a comfortable nursing home. People without a historical past turn into "human herds, immersed in a gloomy slumber, living numb in their insignificance, like buffalos chewing their cud in the standing puddles of the Pontic swamps" (Gobineau, 2016).

Functionalism is often seen as an alternative to biological. For all its merits, functionalism is extremely behavioristic. The culture is a product and a function of learning (Boas, 2013; Malinowski, 1990). It is not worth bringing together functionalism and the idea of cultural equality. For instance, Alfred R. Radcliffe-Brown did not even attempt to hide that the functional interpretation of culture is a tool for manipulating native peoples (Kuper, 2010).

The functionalists' desire to separate "culture from nature" rejects the obvious: a person is just a unique, beloved, but "naughty child of the biosphere" (Dolnik, 2011), in which nature and culture are intertwined into an incomparable creation. Indeed, cultural determinists, representatives of the "culture and personality school," are close to functionalism. Ruth Benedict (Benedict, 2006) and Margaret Mead (Mead, 2001) agreed that the cultural uniqueness of an ethnos to a certain, albeit limited extent, is determined by inherited biopsychological features of its representatives.

What can people – children of their ethnic groups – do to not turn into controlled mankurts? We believe that the solution here is straightforward and, at the same time, challenging to achieve. It is about preserving the ethnocultural identity, which has natural roots. There are no more or less valuable peoples, and all peoples are equal in terms of their origins and cultural potential. Therefore, they have the right to their preservation and development.

Even in a modern plural society, ethnic endogamy can at least attempt to provide cultural identity. Moreover, it is not necessary to condemn Armenians, Arabs, Hindus, who manage to create families with people of their nationality irrespective of being immigrants surrounded by other communities. There is no contempt for other ethnic groups. It is merely a matter of self- preservation, and self-recognition among strangers, to avoid becoming lonely outcasts among the same outcasts. In no case do we oppose interethnic marriages. We just wish to emphasize that we should not blame traditions that impede such marriages.

Suppose a plant is sprouted of different plants in one (be it even a large one) flower pot. In that case, only one plant will grow; the others will stunt and sooner or later die (it is common knowledge that only parasitic plants are capable of symbiosis). Why is this going to happen? A vulgar biological will say: the strongest survives. Although it has long been known that it is not the strongest (beautiful, outstanding) survives, an opportunist (mediocre, ugly). It is well known that in the event of a global catastrophe, only rats and cockroaches will survive on the planet – those are, alas, far from being the toughest. Following the "flower analogy," we note that it would be better to plant flowers in separate pots from the very beginning, as it is usually done. Each flower will have its place on a windowsill. Upon their growth, their branches might intertwine, wrap themselves around each other, and it will look amazing.

We are sure that preserving the ethnic identity of segments sculpturing a multi-ethnic community does not impede but facilitates integration. At one time, the nation-state proclaimed by European countries put an end to the history of indigenous European ethnic groups. Emil Durkheim quite clearly substantiated the well-known imperative of social cohesion due to the ideological homogenization of the community (Hechter, 1998). Later, Benedict Anderson (Anderson, 2016) tried to show how replacing ethnocultural roots with fictional, artificial symbols invented by the elite unites people into a community called a nation. However, using the criterion of homogeneous cohesion as applied, for instance, to France, we will answer the question: which of the French societies was more integrated throughout its history? Could it be the model of 1429, when the Bretons, Flemings, Catalans, Gascons, and even Celts, led by the Virgin of Orleans, lacked any authoritative decision, not recognizing themselves as Frenchmen, were bringing closer the victory in the Hundred Years War? Or could it be 1871, when German troops entered Paris, the capital of the French nation, and occupied part of the city, without resistance? Or the year 1940, when a joint French nation capitulated to the Nazis? Does homogenization have anything to do with integration?

The thesis of "unity in diversity" is, of course, not our invention. However, we intend to show that diversity should not remain a chimera and a declaration that we are talking about the diversity of individuals and their ethnic groups.

Ethnosocial biology is aimed at artificial modeling of a situation in which racism usually arises. Instead of advising people to spend more time in the open, give up alcohol, give birth to more children, and raise them in the traditions of their culture, (crypto) racists form a false sense of self-determination as an elite ethnic minority in the peoples of immigrant societies (Germans, English, French, Russians).

Given the unprecedented activity of migrations and processes of intercultural interaction today, only the integration-differential process and unification of society within the framework of a shared social paradigm with the preservation and development of cultural patterns of all ethnic and cultural segments of this society can be the only form of life typifying a culturally diverse society. Integration and differentiation constitute a single process, consisting of the gradual increase in the differences between the originally independent and homogeneous parts, which are becoming more cohesive and dependent on each other. An evolutionary life process is shaped by integration and differentiation.

Acknowledgement

This research was supported by TPU development program.

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Received: 08-Feb-2022, Manuscript No. JLERI-21-9659; Editor assigned: 10-Feb-2022, PreQC No. JLERI-21-9659 (PQ); Reviewed: 23- Feb-2022, QC No. JLERI-21-9659; Revised: 07-Mar-2022, Manuscript No. JLERI-21-9659 (R); Published: 21-Mar-2022.