Academy of Strategic Management Journal (Print ISSN: 1544-1458; Online ISSN: 1939-6104)

Research Article: 2021 Vol: 20 Issue: 1

Interregional Migration: Economic Aspects and Foreign Experience of Public Regulation

Aruzhan Kazikhanovna Jussibaliyeva, S. Seifullin Kazakh AgroTechnical University

Gulistan Ivanovna Akhmetova, K. Zhubanov Aktobe Regional University

Sholpan Yesenbayevna Alpeissova, S. Seifullin Kazakh AgroTechnical University

Aigul Asamuratovna Akhmetova, Korkyt Ata Kyzylorda State University

Berik Kaiypkanovich Kadyrov, Kazakhstan Innovative Academy

Karlygash Alpysovna Karsybayeva, S. Seifullin Kazakh Agro Technical University

Nurul Mohammad Zayed, Daffodil International University


Significant numbers of migrants migrate around and inside countries. These migrations influence not only migrant lives, but also the opportunities for development and prosperity in areas that are transported and obtained. Internal and external migrants vary in features, but there are still significant overlaps between the two migration sources. Both domestic and external migration engines are identical – lack of sufficient incentives at source and availability of better chances at destination; power of necessity in some instances; or other causes. The gaps between foreign and domestic migration are frequent; financial costs; administrative obstacles including immigration laws and work restrictions; asymmetries of information; issues related to the absorption, assimilation and displacement arising from socio-cultural and linguistic differences; and the applicability of laws like labor and social security clauses. However, there should not be distortion of the disparities between foreign and domestic migrants, because there are clear reasons that developed countries will give adequate attention to both domestically because international migrants. This paper analyzes the characteristics and drivers and the inter-relationship of external and internal migration in South Asia. It promotes a rights-based and holistic strategy and a migration policy structure.


Migration, Inter Regional Migration, Intra Regional Migration, Seasonal Migration.


Inter-regional Migration

Inter-regional migration has developed and is actually the main source of migration in all but Bhutan and the Maldives countries in the world. Inter-regional migration involves low-skilled migrants to North America, the European Societies, and other countries of the OECD, and less highly skilled migrants to North America, Europe and other OECD nations. The largest countries in the area are India and Pakistan which send labor.

Male migration from Labor in South Asia; Sri Lanka is the only nation to encourage migration of women to the workforce in South Asia. Yet although the number of migrant women in the area is small, it has through over the years.

There are two types of problems encountered by foreign employees in Europe: first, at the recruiting level, and, second, in target countries and places of employment. With regard to poorly qualified workers, these are issues related to the misconduct of recruitment, high cost of migration, employment contracts and specifications, conditions of work and living abroad and social security for migrants and returning workers. The hidden risks and disadvantages for illegal and trafficked refugees are.

Migration from this populated area still plays a significant position, with major macroeconomic and demographic implications for jobs and remittances. South Asia is the world's second-highest distribution region. International funds are a significant source of foreign exchange, as in this field international assistance and private investments is greater than foreign direct investment. The real cash flow through the area is considerably higher than official statistics suggest, with a large proportion across informal networks. Remittances in South Asian countries have known microeconomic (household), macroeconomic (regional) and macroeconomic implications. The effect of global migration on the labor market of source countries depends on the outflow size and the composition of skills of migrants. The effect will therefore take account of the scale of the return flows for temporary outflows.

Recently, there has been an increase in the influence of migration processes on the socio-economic development of territories. Trends in the field of migration, characteristic of the global space, have become no less relevant for the regions. The scale, direction and results of the redistribution of the population are largely determined by socio-economic factors: the level of socio-economic development of the territory, the possibilities in providing the population with jobs and social services, infrastructure development and many others.

Intra-Regional (Cross-Border) Migration

South Asian countries have a common past. Many of them emerged in the 20th century and by fragmentation, on the political map. While at least the first important reasons of illegal and unauthorized cross-border immigration is tradition, proximity and ties to community and partnerships, the economic reasons, wars and disasters are now obvious to us. This movement has, because of its socio-political, social and economic impacts and because of safety concerns, also become a source of concern for some of the countries in the area. Another important part of this irregular movement is the reality that there is no sufficient legal framework. However, cross-border migrants are legally allowed between some countries in this area as a result of treaties and bilateral agreements, such as India-Nepal, India-Bhutan, Bhutan-Nepal, and Pakistan-Afghan. In these cases, internal migration takes on the form of cross-border mobility of people between these nations. The major part of all migrations in the region includes intra-regional migration. The real movements are likely to increase much more than the official figures because of large unregulated migration flows. Southern Asia has shown a steady decrease in intra-regional migration since 1990. Bangladesh – India, Afghanistan – Pakistan, India – Pakistan, Nepal – India are the most significant migration corridors in the world. Intra-region migrant profile analyses, such as Nepalese or Bangladeshi Indian workers, indicate that they are predominantly working at the low end of the labor market, especially in the service sector. Any migrants can, however, over time acquire land or other properties.

Irregular migration and trafficking in human beings are key issues relevant to cross-border migration in South Asia. Irregular and unauthorized migration is an important issue for South Asian countries, especially those deemed “illegal”. Brokers and intermediaries play a significant part in promoting illegal migration. Throughout this cycle, woman migrants endure more than men. Intra-regional migratory routes in South Asia are a significant source of human trafficking and the countries of the country, as well as destinations of trafficked women and slave labour, are places of origin and transit.

State support for employment, labor stimulation and obtaining acceptable incomes are a priority for the partial prevention of the regional migration mobility of the rural population. Demographic processes and changes in the ratio of the number of people turning working age and those leaving it in the rural labor market have a strong influence on certain structural changes. Currently, the problem of rural unemployment is particularly relevant, since there is a considerable percentage of the unemployed among the rural population. Due to the development problems in the agricultural sector, the unemployed migrate to larger population centers, hoping to find employment opportunities in the cities (Jussibaliyeva et al., 2019).

The emphasis is on national security prism, social and political unrest, and the resettlement of refugees. In national and bilateral discussions and policies, however, its effect on jobs, staff and their families as well as in the source and destination areas was largely overlooked. Trafficking of human beings is now becoming a big problem in the area, contributing to infringement of the basic human rights of the citizens concerned. Cross-border travel without documentation or unauthorized immigration renders immigrants at destination insecure. The rights of workers, public services and social security benefits cannot be taken advantage of. If migration is seen as irregular, migrants are faced with arrest and expulsion.

Internal Migration

The fact that countries use different definitions and jurisdictions to enumerate migrants is confounding comparisons of internal migrations in the countries of South Asia. In terms of absolute figures, however, internal migration is considerably higher than external migration in South Asia according to the available evidence. The number of migrants in Bhutan in total was as high as 32.2 percent, 20.2 percent in Sri Lanka and 14.4 percent in Nepal in 2011 utilizing districts as jurisdictions. The stock of domestic migrants in South Asia is dominated mainly by women, who migrate for marriage or association reasons. Yet in a variety of countries autonomous female migration to work is on the rise. There are prevailing causes for jobs among males. The principal reason for migration was employment for approximately 20% of domestic migrants in India, Sri Lanka and Pakistan. In Bhutan, the biggest reason for migration was 26.4% of migrants and in Nepal 31.7%.

In South Asia, seasonal and circular migration is an important part of domestic migration. In contrast to permanent migrants, the most vulnerable and deprived sections of society are much likely to have a low level of education in seasonal migrants who are from poorer, rural areas. The growth of seasonal and circular migration is driven by decrease in rural livelihood, growing disparities between rural, industrial and between areas, and by changes in urban and labor markets. Because of these factors, in most countries of the region seasonal and circular migration will continue to grow. In general, domestic migration is highly influenced by the trends of national development, mainly from economically poor to economically advance to developed areas. Migration from rural to rural is prevalent in all countries except India and Nepal, where migration from rural to rural areas is the standard for marriage.

Migration is a heterogeneous trend with a significant diversity in the education, skills and economic background of migrants. Migrants from diverse cultures come from inside. There is proof that in India in the post-globalization era the better-off portion of the population is moving more. That's just part of the tale, though. There is also growing movement of the poor and vulnerable segment. Much remain unidentified in this category. The low end of the labour market is generally controlled by temporary workers and seasonal workers. They are self-employed and contractors and casual employees.

In facilitating internal migration, social networks play an important role. However, workers' intermediaries also play a major role in the mobilization of migrants for several industries. Migration affects employment and the job markets directly in the source areas, as well as family incomes, savings and spending. Internal migration also has a strong connection with growth both in the areas of source – through transition inflows, increased investment, transfers of information, and improved skills – and in areas of destination, especially through labor market impacts. Migration is also a strategy to cope with the most vulnerable people. Outsourcing decreases homelessness and underwork. But large-scale migration will impact the women and the elderly left behind. Domestic remittance inflows are a major source of income in South Asian countries like India, Bangladesh and Nepal. Such influxes contribute to poverty reduction. There is, however, ongoing discussion as to their relation to growing disparities.

In Asian countries there are also certain peculiarities in migration processes.

For example, today, in Kazakhstan regions there is a heterogeneous demographic situation. According to the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Population of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 38% of the population lives in the southern regions of the country, while their share in the gross regional product is only 17%. In the northern regions, 29% of the population produces 25% of the gross regional product. Thus, the current demographic trend in Kazakhstan will have a significant impact on the flows and directions of internal migration. It will require its controlled adjustment, in accordance with the country's strategic plans (Jussibaliyeva et al., 2019).

It is critical that migrants have an effect on the destination labor markets. Workers move to their destination to promote work supply and to enable growth and accumulation. Migrants usually work in the informal sector, often where local workers refuse jobs and have flexible hours. Migration is sometimes the exit mechanism from the current social hierarchy. However, fundamental rights and decent working conditions are denied to migrant workers. Even their incomes are lower than the minimum legal wage for local workers. Migrant workers often work in sub-human circumstances and in breach of labor laws. Weak migrant workers have no claim to destination privileges. This has an effect on their quality of life and health. They are inadequately housed and concentrated in urban center slum areas. Failure to develop and plan urban areas effectively leads to the pressure on rural-urban movements in destination areas. As a consequence, policy makers are looking favorably at internal migration. Internal migration flows, especially towns and cities, tend to be limited.

Inter-Regional Migration

South Asian emigration has a long tradition focused on imperial growth and labor needs in colonies and towns. But in post-war growth in the developing countries, and the creation and expansion of the oil-rich Middle-Eastern countries which started in the 1970s, it began to take a contemporary form. Two streams of migration were conducted: from the 1950s to 1970s, skilled workers reached industrialized countries; and, from 70s on, temporary migration into the Gulf countries of low-skilled workers (Srivastava & Sasikumar, 2003; ICMPD, 2013; Wickramasekara, 2010).

Process of recruitment: In fact, labour movement happens by contract procurement companies. Migrants face major problems with delayed deployment, non-deployment and overload (Srivastava & Sasikumar, 2003). Overloading is a standard recruitment practice and increases migration costs. Organizations charge for higher charges to use innocent refugees, mostly (The Asia Base, 2013). Unauthorized or non-registered recruitment agencies are involved in theft. Aspirants often earn smaller wages than those laid out in their contracts. In the case of the Gulf countries and Malaysia, Nepalis employees sometimes face dishonest actions by agencies (NIDS, 2010).

Cost of migration: There are very significant financial risks of migration abroad. It was seen to be the lowest for Sri Lanka ($689), followed by Nepal ($1.500) and Pakistan ($1.300), and the highest for Bangladesh ($1.700.). Migration costs frequently escalate dramatically faster than aspirants are willing to manage (Wickramasekara, 2011). It is partly attributed to private employment firms' corruption and inability to control them by governments (ibid.). Nepalese migrants often take informal loans or sell land to collect appropriate migration funds. In Bangladesh, the condition is close.

Problems faced by migrants at destination: Violations of the rights of employees in Gulf countries begin with the kafala or recruiting support scheme. The kafala system (GIZ and ILO, 2015) was initiated in mainly Gulf countries. It is now unlawful in Saudi Arabia to hold the record of an employee.

Migrants will have very bad living conditions. The recorded requirements for Nepali migrants to save their money are subhuman (NIDS, 2010). Though suicide incidents among Nepalese migrants have risen over time in Malaysia, the accidental death of migrant workers in their employment is also a major concern.

Literature Review

Intra-Regional (Cross-Border) Migration

The countries of South Asia have a common past. In the twentieth century several of them were partitioned on the international map. The colonical rulers delineated the frontier, whereby citizens from the same community ended in separate countries after partition. They were too carelessly demarcated in some areas.

Although proximity, cultural and parentage connections were, at least initially, a big explanation for irregular and illegal cross-border immigrants, these immigrants are now, because of their socio-political, ethnic, environmental, and security issues, also a cause for concern for certain countries. The lack of sufficient mechanisms often illegalizes most of the illicit travel between Bangladesh and India, for example, or between India and Pakistan. The migration is permitted, however, by various treaties and bilateral agreements between certain Southern Asian countries, including India – Nepal, India – Bhutan, Bhutan – Nepal and Pakistan – Afghanistan. An example of this is the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between India and Nepal. There is no requirement for passports or visas to migrate between India and Nepal, India, Bhutan or Bhutan and Nepal (Khadria, 2005 & 2002). Because of these arrangements, internal migration takes on the form of cross-border movement of citizens in these countries.

Issues Related to Irregular Cross-Border Migration and Human Trafficking

Irregular migration and trade of human beings are main problems relevant to cross-border migration of South Asia. In South Asian countries, the impact of irregular and unauthorized migration, particularly those deemed “illegal”. The migration between India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, Afghanistan, Pakland and India is very high. Irregular migration is very high. Moreover, there is a systematic smuggling of women and children from Bangladesh and Nepal to India across borders (Wickramasekara, 2011). In the border states of India, such as West Bengal, Assam and Tripura, persistent irregular migration from Bangladesh to India, along with a large number of Bangladeshi illegal/undocumented refugees, build social and political unrest in the area and is one of the main safety issues currently facing India.

The open and unrestricted boundaries between India and Bangladesh have allowed fast cross-border travel in many ways for a long time. Bangladesh is being driven to the frontier by the political and economic instability in neighboring regions of India. Throughout this phase, brokers and intermediaries are relevant. Irregular migrants often meet with many intermediaries, including border agents. In contrast to male refugees, migrant women struggle worse and still wind up on an exploitation and sex labor network. Around 300 000 Bongladeshi women have been smuggled via India to India and 200 000 more via India to Pakistan for an unknown time (Agriteam Canada Consulting Ltd., 2002), according to the Asian Development Bank. Because of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1950 between the two countries, cross-border migrations from Nepal to India cannot be seen as irregular or illegal migration, but this is one of the principal roads of trafficking in South Asia. Maiti Nepal is projected to operate for around 150,000 to 300,000 Nepalese women as sex slaves in different Indian boutique cities by an NGO operating in the sector for human trafficking in Nepal (Gartaula, 2009). Also, Nepal – India path for Nepalese women to the Gulf and Southeast Asia is one of the gateway routes for human trafficking (Wickramasekara, 2011).

India and Pakistan are places where trafficked women and bonded labor source, transit and destination. Bangladeshian and Nepalese women and children are trafficked in developed India and Pakistan networks. In India and Pakistan, most of trafficked women are working as sex slaves and some of them have been sent back to the Gulf and South East Asian countries (Agriteam Canada Consulting Ltd., 2002).

For irregular migrants from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Myanmar, Pakistan is the primary destination. As has been stated, during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and during the Taliban rule in Afghanistan, a significant number of Afghans immigrated in Pakistan. The majority are undocumented and irregular migrants. There are many who may not be aware that, because of ethnic similarities between the peoples in Afghanistan and Pakistan border areas, they engage in irregular or illegal migration (Wickramasekara & Baruah, 2013).

Major Policy Gaps

Migration intra-regional areas are a major part of South Asian migration. The real movements are expected to rise much more than the official estimates because of large unregulated migrant flows. In spite of the importance of intra-regional migration and their economic costs and benefits, very few studies have been carried out. This migration is primarily seen through national security lenses, socio-political instability and rehabilitation of refugees. Trafficking of human beings is now becoming a big problem in the area, contributing to infringement of the basic human rights of the citizens concerned. Cross-border, undocumented or illegal migration makes the situation of the immigrant at the destination sensitive. The privileges of employees, public programs and social insurance provisions cannot be taken advantage of. Where migration is unlawful, migrants are threatened with deportation. When women cross boundaries sexual harassment breaches their human rights. These problems concern nations and millions of citizens and need to be resolved as a matter of urgency.

UN DESA produces figures of international migrants worldwide (Table 1). The discussion below is focused on projections centered on evidence from the States 26.26.

Table 1 International Migrants, 1970–2019
Year Number of migrants Migrants as a % of world’s population
1970 84,460,125 2.3%
1975 90,368,010 2.2%
1980 101,983,149 2.3%
1985 113,206,691 2.3%
1990 153,011,473 2.9%
1995 161,316,895 2.8%
2000 173,588,441 2.8%
2005 191,615,574 2.9%
2010 220,781,909 3.2%
2015 248,861,296 3.4%
2019 271,642,105 3.5%

The United Nations guidance on international data on migration defines an irregular migrant as someone who has changed his or her regular residence country, discriminating between 'short-term immigrants' (those who have changed their regular residence country for at least three months but under one year) and “long-term immigration” (those who have changed their country of residence for at least one year). Nonetheless, this definition is not in fact used by all nations. Many countries have specific requirements to define foreign migrants by specifying, for example, the statutory duration of their residence. Differences in terms and interpretations and methodologies of data collection across countries impede the full comparability of national migrant statistics.

Generally, over the last four and a half decades the total amount of foreign migrants has increased. The number of people living in a country other than the country of their birth estimated to be around 244 million in 2019 to be nearly 100 million more than in the 1990 (when the figure was 153 million), and over three times as much as estimated in 1980 (84 million). Most international migrants were of working age in 2019 and in the years between 2015 and 2019 (approximately 72%) (20-64 years old); migrants between 2000 and 2019 were under the age of 20 (17% to 15%). The list of largest migrant source countries is shown in the right-hand panel. Nearly half of all international migrants worldwide in 2018 were born in Asia, primarily originating from India (the largest country of origin), China, and other South Asian countries such as Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Mexico was the second largest country of origin, followed by a number of European countries that have sizable numbers of emigrants (Figure 1).

Figure 1 Top 20 Destinations (Left) and origins (Right) of International Migrants in 2018 (Millions)

In 2015, almost two thirds of international migrants lived in high-income economies – about 157 million – in spite of the distribution of the international migrant population by income group of the nations. That is equivalent to 77 million foreign born inhabitants (roughly a third of the total migrant inventory) residing in mid-income countries and approximately 9 million living in low-income countries that same year.

UN DESA figures do not reflect immigration status or policy groups (for example, graduates, high-skilled workers or refugees) of foreign-born communities. For several key reasons, the identification of these qualities is inherently difficult. Next, the immigrant status of a person can be seamless and rapidly changed through conditions and legal policy settings. For instance, many foreign migrants who are considered "irregular' or "undocumented" join legal visa countries and are then subject to one or more requirements for visas. In fact, there are many reasons to be unusual such as entering boundaries without authorization, illegally extending a visa term, acting in breach of visa conditions, being born into an irregularity or staying after an adverse decision on the asylum application. A further dimension of uncertainty is the degree of change in the field of migration policy, when individuals may slip into or out of “irregularity”.

Different analysts employ different methods for producing sporadic reports of irregular migrants. The above table provides some existing figures of illegal migrant communities in the countries and regions picked. These, however, should be considered with caution, since the exercise of an estimate is often imprecise (e.g. changes in the European Union and the United States estimates for irregular migrants). Partly because of the difficulties in obtaining administrative knowledge regarding migrant status and the right to adjust the identity of a migrant, that is, the troublesome existence of the quantification of transient migrant communities.

In 2016, the overall number of person applicants for asylum in 70 countries was projected to be over 75 000 – down from an extraordinarily large amount in 2015 (98,400), but it was already over doubling in 2014.57 In line with global trends in applicants for asylum, Germany obtained over half of the registered non-company requests. Unresolved or revived dispute tensions in main countries also rendered a significant contribution to existing statistics and patterns, as in many years. Of the refugees under UNHCR's mandate in late 2016, nearly 13.5 million, or 79%, came from the top 10 countries of origin – the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Somalya, Sudan, Congo, Myanmar, Eritrea and Burundi (Figure 2). For at least five years, many of these countries have been among the leading sources for refugees.

Figure 2 Number of Refugees by Top 5 Countries of origin as of 2016 (Millions)

Around 5.5 million refugees from that country were found in the ongoing conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The turmoil and conflict which have rendered Afghanistan a significant source of refugees in the last 30 years has been continuing. The nation has been the second largest country of migration in the world and has 2.5 million refugees. Large-scale violence in South Sudan occurred in mid-2016 and resulted in the refugee country's third largest sources, with more than 1.4 million at year-end. 55% of refugees under UNHCR's mandate were refugees from Afghanistan, South Sudan and the Syrian Arab Republic. For identified leading countries of origin between 2000 and 2015, the patterns in refugee numbers. In 2010 the Syrian Arab Republic became a country of origin for less than 30,000 refugees and asylum seekers, whilst the world of 1,005,000 refugees, mostly coming from Iraq, became the third largest host nation.

Turkey became the world's biggest resettlement nation for the third straight year, with 2.9 million refugees (2.8 million), primarily Syrians in 2016 (Figure 3). Two other neighboring nations, Jordan and Lebanon, are in the top 10, representing the large number of Syrians in the global refugee community. The two major destinations of Afghan refugees, Pakistan and the Islamic Republic of Iran were both among the fastest refugee-hosting nations. The remaining countries were Uganda, Ethiopia, Germany, Congo and Kenya. In neighboring countries, the vast majority of refugees were hosted. According to UNHCR, 28% of the total worldwide population (4.9 million refugees) is hosted in least developed countries, including Cameroon, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan and Uganda. Just in high-income countries such as Sweden (Fifth) and Malta (Ninth), where the refugees are measured against national populations, are the top 10.

Figure 3 Number of Refugees by Top 6 Host Countries as of 2016 (Millions)

A key component of UNHCR’s mandate is to seek permanent solutions for refugees. Within this context, UNHCR also compiles statistics on the three traditional solutions: voluntary repatriation, local integration and resettlement. For many, return home is the preferred solution. However, for various reasons, as evidenced by the numbers discussed below, only a very small proportion of refugees achieve a solution in any given year, contributing to the protracted nature of many refugee predicaments. During 2016, over 550,000 refugees returned to their countries of origin – more than double the number in 2015 and a notable increase from previous years. The majority of returns (384,000) were to Afghanistan, primarily from Pakistan. Prolonged and renewed conflicts have contributed to low levels of voluntary repatriation, with levels of returns between 2011 and 2015 accounting for only 10 per cent of all returns over the last two decades. While there are many challenges to measuring those benefiting from local integration, UNHCR estimates that, in 2016, 23 countries reported at least one naturalized refugee (compared with 28 countries in 2015), with a total of 23,000 naturalized refugees for the year (compared with 32,000 in 2015). Canada, which naturalized an estimated 16,300 refugees in 2016 (compared with 25,900 in 2015), represents the greatest proportion, with France, Belgium and Austria contributing the bulk of the rest.

The number of countries that are a part of UNHCR’s resettlement programs increased from 33 in 2015 to 37 in 2016; States in Europe and Latin America, in particular, established new resettlement programs, or made new resettlement commitments. Notwithstanding this increase, the traditional resettlement countries of Australia, Canada and the United States continued to conduct the majority of the world’s refugee resettlements. In 2016, almost 190,000 refugees were admitted for resettlement globally, representing a 77 per cent increase from 2015 (107,100). Syrian, Congolese, Iraqi and Somali refugees were the key beneficiaries. Figure 3 provides an overview of resettlement statistics for key countries between 2000 and 2016.


Magnitude of Internal Migration in South Asia

The fact that countries use various meanings and jurisdictions in relation to identified migrants confuses compared internal migration through countries in South Asia. In South Asia, however, internal migration is enormous in absolute numbers based on available data. Table 1 compares the volume and rate of internal migrants with the most recent census data available. In 2001, the internal migration volume in India reached 301 million4. Only interdistrict migrations are taken into account, followed by Pakistan (8.6 million), India (4.1 million), and Sri Lanka (119 million). Internal migration rates range from 32.5% in Bhutan, 20.2% in Sri Lanka, 14.4% in Nepal and 11.6% in India to 6.5% in Pakistan.

Seasonal and Circular Migration

In South Asia, seasonal and circular migration is an important part of domestic migration. Contrary to permanent migrants, seasonal migrants continue to be the youngest, most marginalized parts of society in rural areas, and have a small standard of education (Bhagat, 2011). There is debate of how distressful or accumulative such migration is (Deshingkar, 2006).

Most migrants (rural) work in the agricultural sector as casual wage workers. However, it operates in various non-farm areas including the quarries, logging and other rural industries as well as brick-burning, construction, food, processing and transport sectors, head-loading and more. Employers also prefer seasonal and revolving migrants, who have flexible working and long-term jobs.

In the NSS, information about seasonal and circled migration (migrants who go to work or look for jobs for more than one month and less than 6 months) can be obtained from the Indian National Sample Survey. According to the sixty-sixth round (2007–08) of NSS, in India, 15.2 million short-term outmigrants were male and 13.9 million (71%) were rural. This represents a rise in seasonal labor circulation since there were an estimated 12,2 million short-term outmigrants in the NSS 55th round (1999–2000).

In addition to national data sources, a large number of seasonal labor migration studies have been conducted in different parts of India. Seasonal/circular movement continues to be increasing, with further participation in the non-farm sector (ibid). A high proportion of all seasonal migrants are seasonal work for the construction sector.

The seasonal migration, particularly during the agricultural lean seasons known as the monga, also provides very important survival strategy in Bangladesh. Throughout the Monga, work insecurity and poverty threaten the north-west region of the world. Seasonal migration from the greater Rangpur area of Monguin affected is at least 100,000 (Khandker et al. 2012). They migrate primarily to non-farm urban centres, with District Headquarters and big cities being the major destinations. Seasonal migrant work is informal (Khandker et al., 2012; Shonchoy, 2011).

The oldest method of survival strategy in Nepal is seasonal migration. Seasonal migration from hills to the agriculturalally more prosperous areas of Tarai and to cere parts of India is taking place in central and coastal regions. The process of seasonal migration is very dynamic in Nepal and includes cross-border migration flows. Seasonal to India is a significant proportion of the migrants, Punjab being the largest rural destination and the biggest urban destination is Delhi (Gill & Hoebink, 2003). The main survival technique for the poor in Afghanistan is the periodic and circular migration. As in Nepal, cross-border movement is part of seasonal migration from Afghanistan to Pakistan (Wickramasekara & Barua, 2013).

The rise in seasonal and circular migration has been caused by a decline in rural livelihoods, increasing gaps between rural and urban and areas, and reform in economic and labor market policies (toward informalisation). In most countries of the world, regular and periodic migration may be speculated because of all these factors.

In South Asia, domestic migrants are driven by women migrating primarily for purposes of marriage or affiliation. Nevertheless, the labor force at destination is significantly affected. Internal migration is driven by men only in Bhutan. Exogamous marriage immigration results in femininized migration patterns in these countries being analyzed for the reasons for migration.
However, autonomous women's employment migration has also been argued in the region. In India (Shanthi, 2006) and Bangladesh (Rashid, 2013), this pattern is evident. The autonomous migration of women to the informal urban sector has increased in Bangladesh, particularly for the prepared clothing industry (Rashid, 2013). In Pakistan, by comparison, domestic migration linked to jobs is driven by people. But autonomous women's job migration has increased recently in central Punjab (Hamid, 2010).


Evolution of institutional and regulatory frameworks

Since the revocation of the 1922 Emigration Act, which they pursued in spite of their colonial history up to the 1980s, most of South Asian countries formulated their present legislation pertaining to foreign migration (Wickramasekara, 2011). The Gulf countries witnessed a significant rise in migrant labor movement after the oil price boom and resulting demand in the early 1970s.

Any country in South Asia therefore started monitoring foreign migration. Much of the rules on migration originated in the 1980s and regulations have subsequently been modified to remove gaps from time to time.

Some countries in South Asia have developed very detailed policies coping with many facets of foreign migration. The administrative, legislative and commercial system for such relocation is also being established by others.

The National Employment Migration Program was introduced in 2008 in Sri Lanka. This strategy seeks to boost Staff relocation rewards and jobs for the migrants and their families.

In addition to Sri Lanka's Regional Labour Migration Program, there are a range of other initiatives to promote and secure migrant jobs, including migration safety policies, migrant worker technical and training program, national policy on decent job, etc. (IPSS, 2013). In 2009, Pakistan launched its National Emigration Policy that recognizes the absence of a knowledge base for various facets of emigration to Pakistan, including the high cost of emigration, the need for the development of international demand skills and language skills, the successful use of transfers, sporadic emigration, and security of immigrants' rights.

The emigration act of 1983 replaces the earlier Act of 1922 (Srivasteva and Sasikumar, 2003; Thimothy & Sasikumar, 2012) lays down everything relating to migration and to the protection for migrants in India. The Overseas Jobs Act 2011 in Bangladesh complies with all the rights-based ILO and UN conventions (Thimothy & Sasikumar, 2012). The Ministry of Expatriates and Overseas Jobs encourages research outside of the country and the Office of Human Development, Job and Education (BMET) defends emigrants' rights and offers advice and instruction in technical skills (Islam, 2007). BAOLESS sells consultancy services and recruitment firms to work applicants in many countries. BOESL is the company's primary supplier of jobs services in Bangladesh.

In Sri Lanka, the Ministry of Education and Labor is responsible for migration and transition problems. The Sri Lankan Foreign Labor Bureau (SLBFE) assists the Sri Lankan Foreign Labor Bureau (Wickramasekara, 2010). The SLBFE Act No. 21, 1985, amended by Law No. 4, 1994, applies to all workers in the migratory sector (Thimothy & Sasikumar, 2012).

Emigration, overseas jobs and recluting companies are governed in Pakistan, the Emigration Ordinance of 1979 and the Emigration Laws of 1979. Section 8 of the Emigration Regulations manages and protects employee interests in the recruitment agencies and processes. The 2009 National Emigration Program also protects the rights of workers overseas (ibid). The OIE handles the movement of private sector jobs, while the OOEM oversees the relocation of the public sector.

Nepalese International Workers Law 2068 (2008) adopts a migration policy focused on freedoms. It condemns any sexism against men and women and encourages migration of women (Thimothy & Sasikumar, 2012). There is no strong legislative framework in Afghanistan to regulate the migration of workers. The Sending of Afghan Employees Abroad Laws (2005) includes more duties and less workplace privileges. While the administrative framework and emigration laws have been changed, there is an absence of cooperation among the ministries and departments dealing with the problem of migration employees employed abroad in initiatives affecting immigrant employees from this area (Wickramasekara, 2011).

Protection of conditions of work and rights of migrant workers abroad

In Southern Asia, the bulk of the countries have taken steps to secure labour migrants abroad.

The emphasis is on foreign migration, in particular migrant labour.

In order to raise the salaries of migrant workers, Sri Lanka and India have negotiated with destination countries. Home maids immigrating to the United Arab Emirates earned minimum salaries in Sri Lanka. India also forces its Gulf countries workforce to increase their minimum salaries (Wickramasekara, 2011). Sri Lanka has taken a range of measures to attract and defend emigrants, including forming a legislative commission to study migrant workers' concerns and grievances. There have been a variety of initiatives by the Indian Government for protection and welfare Indian employees employed outside the region. After 2007, the Gulf countries will employ a women domestic worker to deposit US$ 2,500 as a pledge. The Government has introduced the Overseas Employees Resource Center, which operates in vernacular languages 24 hours and 7 days a week. A MigCall mobile rescue service for the Gulf migrants in trouble has also been released.


Safe Migration of Female Workers

The safety of domestic workers for women is also a popular concern in all the countries of South Asia. Countries such as India, Bangladesh and Nepal have also in the past placed bans on the emigration of domestic workers. In most South Asian countries, the age limits on female domestic workers tend to exist to shield women from slavery in destination countries. In the region, it is only Sri Lanka that encourages women as domestic workers to migrate to the Gulf countries.

Limitation of female migrants in South Asian migrant countries prior to their age can often help female migration through illicit means (Agriteam Canada Consulting Ltd., 2002). A positive move in the regulation of illicit and unwelcome immigration in South Asia, concluded in 2002, is the SAARC Agreement on the Prevention and Combatment of Trafficking in Women and Children for Prostitution.

Active labour-market policies: labour-market information systems, pre-departure training and skill promotion

Several countries in the area have taken aggressive policy measures to encourage awareness among aspirants (Sri Lanka and Bangladesh), include advance preparation (Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka), and develop agencies for worker health in leading destination countries (Wickramasekara, 2010 & 2011; Kabeer, 2007).

For certain countries also skills have been built and knowledge structures created on the population to assist workers and prospective job seekers.

A National Qualifying Strategy has been introduced by Bangladesh to strengthen the skills composition of foreign staff pursuing jobs abroad. This is also supporting foreign workers' electronic identification and has established a directory of identified job seekers. This has also released an insightful passport that holds personal and job records for all foreign employees.

First-time immigrants are issued by the government of India smart cards that provide passport details, contracts of employment, insurance etc. (Thimothy & Sasikumar, 2012). It has also introduced an “e-migrate” program, an ECR (Emigration Test Required) country's emigration clearance portal. India has also launched a Labour Market Knowledge Network that connects domestic and future migrants, who aim to provide work seekers with, qualified which marketable skills that match international expectations.

Social Security: Migrant Workers, Families of Migrants and Returnees

The 195213 ILO Convention on Social Security (No. 102) and the 1962 Convention on Social Security (No. 118) identify various social security measures and establish equal treatment for workers foreign migrants. The Convention established a framework for the protection of migrants. The bulk of countries in the world that send staff find social security measures for emigrants. There have usually been two types of programs. The first are the SSAs with their destinations. They comprise international, multilateral or national social security arrangements. Bilateral social insurance programs cover employers by exempting them from double social security payments and supplying them with the social security benefits portable alternative that they paid in their country of origin. India and Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Japan, and several others have concluded mutual SSAs. Unilateral acts by the countries of origin or destination are the other form of initiative. In the absence of bilateral or multilateral or national SSAs, the countries which send staff and which receive them take unilateral steps to increase access to social security through migrant workers. In Southasia, for instance, many countries have insured workers who work abroad (Thimothy, 2013). Two ECR type insurance schemes have been introduced by the Indian Government. Bima Yojana (PBBY) and Gandhi Suraksha Yojana (MGPSY) Pravasi Bharatiya and Gandhi Mahatma. Since of 1982, Pakistan's government also established a compulsory emigrant employee’s compensation policy. -SLBFE migrant has safety, incident, disability or death coverage varying from 50,000 to 200,000 Sri Lankan roupie (USD 330–1300), and is registered with the SLBFE in Sri Lanka. The Nepalese International Job Development Board provides migrant employees and their relatives with health benefits and access to medical services. This also provides financial support and insurance in the case of the loss of migrant employees or a physical injury.

Promoting Formal Financial Intermediation

As previously stated, a great proportion of payments by migrants from overseas move to the countries of South Asia via illicit network operations known as hawala and hundi transactions that have near links with illegal transactions and that pose security issues for the countries of South Asia. The informal remittance transmission network used by migrants from South Asian countries lacks proper banking and investment institutional structures, especially in rural areas, and high transferal costs. Countries like Nepal, India and Sri Lanka in South Asia have encouraged nationalized transactions and banks, in order to tackle this issue.

Some countries also encourage financial institutions or schemes for financial intermediation that address the need for migrants. The Expatriates Welfare Bank (Probashi Kallyan Bank), founded by the government in Bangladesh in 2010 provides financial assistance to the return of migrants for investment in productive activities in addition to low-interest loans for aspirant employees for migration, as previously mentioned (Islam, 2011).


International and internal migration is an integral aspect of South Asia's stability and job strategies for individuals and households. In terms of their legal status, regulatory issues, migration investment, type of the labor market at destination and the atmosphere, the domestic, cross-border and international migration process can be established. Nonetheless, each migration is connected by many threads.

Changing regulatory limits is intended to change the status of a individual as a migrant. In most countries of South Asia the colonial legacy is present. With respect to ethnicity, social and cultural significance and trading routes, colonial leaders have defined many boundaries. They have been utilizing both sides of the frontier. Therefore, cross-border movements from India to Nepal and Pakistan and Afghanistan to Bangladesh and India have common characteristics. In domestic migration too, the position of migration of many people shifts if the government decides to withdraw from the current state, district or city.

Internal and foreign migrations are linked to a certain form of migration. The most significant of these variables, while their strength that vary in various migration styles, is that they serve as obstacles and drivers of domestic and foreign migration. Deprivation, poverty and geographic inequalities are the major economic motivating forces behind both internal and outward migration in South Asia. South Asia has in its territories many migrants and internally displaced. In the field of pornography and trafficking in women illegal / unauthorized migration is a significant issue here.

The results of migration are essentially related both domestically and globally. Labor-side domestic and foreign migrant workers disregard social security at their target. We have a range of wealth in deficit and stolen.

Whereas in most countries in this region, there are few policies which focus on internal migration, with a number of reports and tests, which monitor and protect their migrant populations. The shortage of programs for migrants renders disadvantaged migrants live in metropolitan centers discriminatory. The trans-border migration of illegally and unprescribed migrants is important in South Asia and is an enormous source of slavery. There is sadly no dialogue between countries on this topic and the SAARC, the international platform for South Asian countries, does not play a significant role to curb this problem.

Throughout this paper it is indicated that the countries of South Asia will follow a holistic rights-based approach to different modes of migration, taking into account the particular drivers and implications of migration, its relation to national increase and the need to preserve migrants' human rights. This connects migration, jobs, growth and prosperity more closely, helping us to achieve our national and global development goals.


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